Argentina - Context and Land Governance | Land Portal
Argentina, Humahuaca

By Nieves Zúñiga, peer-reviewed by Guillermo Neiman, principal researcher at CONICET, professor at the University of Buenos Aires and at FLACSO Argentina

Argentina is the eighth largest country in the world with a mainland area that covers more than 2.7 million km2[1] . Situated in South America bordered by Chile, Bolivia, Paraguay, Brazil and Uruguay, it has a population of 44 million people out of which 90% live in urban areas[2]. After its independence from Spain in 1816 and a civil war that lasted until 1861, the development of Argentina as a nation has been greatly influenced by waves of European immigration, mainly from Italy and Spain. It is estimated that 90% of the Argentinian population has European ancestry and around 60% of the population has Italian origins[3]. 

The affluence of the foreign population was promoted by land settlement policies aiming to populate the vast Argentinian territory. This process involved the distribution of state land as well as the occupation of indigenous peoples’ land. 

Argentina is considered a middle emerging economy but its economic performance has been unstable and it has been affected by high inflation - the annual inflation in 2011 was 12.,67% and in 2021 is expected to reach around 50%)[4]. In addition, Argentinian debt increased significantly in the last years moving from being around 154,000 billion USD in 2005 to more than 335,000 billion USD in 2021[5]. 

This economic situation and an open policy to foreign investments have determined land governance in the country, which have favoured large-scale acquisition and investments with significant consequences for small producers and for the environment such as deforestation. National investments have followed the same tendencies and had similar consequences.  

Land legislation and regulations

The 1994 Constitution states that all inhabitants of the Nation have the rights to use and dispose of their property (Article 14). It also states that property is inviolable, and no inhabitant of the Nation may be deprived of it, except by virtue of a judgement based on law, and that expropriation for reasons of public utility must be qualified by law and previously compensated (Article 17)[6]. 

Land governance in Argentina has been affected by two aspects: large extensions of land and the legislation to populate the territory, which was facilitated at the beginning of the 20th century by the expansion of the railroad network and, hence, the possibility of reaching unexplored areas[7]. In 1940, the Colonization Law No. 12.636 included an agrarian plan to populate the interior of the country by making state and public banks-owned land available to be colonized. 

This spirit continues in Article 25 of the 1994 Constitution, which states that the government shall encourage European immigration and may not restrict, limit or impose any tax on the entry into the Argentine territory of foreigners whose purpose is to work the land, improve industries, and introduce and teach science and the arts. 

Nevertheless, a later perception of land as a scarce non-renewable resource led in 2011 to legally set the limit of ownership or possession of rural lands by foreigners to 15% (Article 8) by the Land Law No. 26.737[8]. With the intention of not compromising the development, national sovereignty and ownership of Argentinian people over their land, the law appoints the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights to enforce the Law and to establish a land registry. According to the data from the registry, in 2015, 6,.09% of rural land belonged to foreigners. The provinces with the largest percentage of rural land in foreign hands were Misiones (13.,88%), Corrientes (13.,86%), Catamarca (12,09%), Salta (11,.80%) and Santa Cruz (10,84%)[9].   

The regulation of urban land by the state has been until recently scarce and attributed to the provinces and municipalities[10]. In 2020, the National Urban Land Plan was created through Resolution No. 19/2020 by the Ministry of Territorial Development and Habitat [11]. The Plan aims to increase the supply of urbanized land that is affordable to different social sectors and their respective payment capacities, and that is suitable for housing programs[12].

Land tenure classifications

In Argentina, there are several forms of land tenure: state land, ownership , lease, sharecropping, commodatum, concession, incidental contract, occupation with permission, de facto occupation, undivided succession, usufruct, and indigenous communal land, among others.[13] Property  is the main form of tenure with 69% of the land, 19% is leased, 3% is undivided succession, 3% is occupied with permission, and 1% is de facto occupied[14].  Following data from the 2018 Agricultural Census,96% of the land in Argentina is private, 3% is state land and 1% is to be determined.[15] The majority of state land (65%) is located in the Patagonia province[16].

There are also ‘agricultural holdings without defined limits’, which according to the 2018 Census there are approximately 22,000,[17] significantly less than in 2002 when there were 36,000[18].The provinces with the highest number of parcels under this denomination are Santiago del Estero, Jujuy and Salta.

Land tenure in ArgentinaArgentine was significantly affected by the economic reform and structural adjustment policies in the 1990s. Those policies had a significant impact on small farmers, which did not have the capacity to face increasing cost production, higher taxes, the need to incorporate technology and the elimination of subsidies. This together with more flexible leases and conditions for one time contracts, resulted from 1988 to 2002 in an increase in the number of leases and incidental contracts,[19] as well as in a significant reduction of small landowner farmers[20].

The regulation of some of those forms of tenure is not free from challenge. In 2013 the National Programme for Rural Titling and Rural Roots (Programa Nacional de Titulación y Arragio Rural)      was created to contribute with the objective of contributing to the reduction of precariousness in the form of occupation and tenure of rural land[21]. This Programme deals with forms of tenure in need to be regulated, among others:

  • Occupation of state land: the occupation can be without  a  permit (they are not registered as occupants but they might have developed their activity in that land for generations) or with a  permit (they pay a fee to the local government to use the land, usually cheaper than the market price). Within this category, there are also plots for sale (occupants have agreed to an adjudication contract for sale with the local government until they are granted with the final title after complying with the local regulations).
  • Occupation of private land: they live and work in land registered under another person’s name. Due to time and inaction by the official owner, they might exercise rights of usurpation or acquisitive prescription.
  • Communal land: they derive from forms of tenure originating in the colonial time and present challenges due to their often imprecise delimitation.
  • Precarious sharecropping: producers who do not own land and are involved in asymmetrical arrangements.
  • Indigenous communities: challenges occur when it is not the indigenous community but families of indigenous origin with similar agricultural practices as the non-indigenous.

Since the creation of the Programme until September 2020, the federal government and the provinces signed 7 agreements, 6 of which were signed with support cooperatives, and 1025 people were registered.[22]      

The registration of land in Argentina is very much focused on controlling the foreignization of rural land, which is managed by the National Registry of Rural Land. In 2018, part of the registration process was enabled to be done online, making it faster and cheaper[23]. Among the procedures that can be carried out online are: affidavit of rural land acquired before the Law 26.737 and not declared (this is targeted to foreign owners that acquired their land before 2011 and that did not follow the law regarding the 180-day deadline to register it); acquisition of rural land based onon the basis of the principle of acquired rights; mandatory notification of the foreign seller transferring land to a person not covered by the law.

According to the 2020 BTI Transformation Index, the enforcement of the regulations regarding property rights and of property acquisition, benefits, use and sale in Argentina is negatively affected by deficiencies in the judicial and administrative system, political interference and corruption[24].

Community land rights issues

In Argentina 2.4% of the population self-identify as indigenous[25]. The 1994 Constitution recognised[1] s the legal personality of indigenous communities and the communal possession and ownership of the lands they traditionally occupy. At the international level, Argentina ratified the ILO Convention 169 on the rights of indigenous and tribal peoples in 2000 and voted in favour of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

In 1985, Law 23.302 on Indigenous Policy and Support to Indigenous Communities createdcreates the National Institute of Indigenous Affairs (INAI) with indigenous participation (Article 5), and regulates the adjudication of land to indigenous peoples (Article 7-13). The Law determines that the land shall be allocated free of charge, the beneficiaries shall be exempt from national taxes and free of administrative charges (Article 9), that the land adjudicated is unseizable and unenforceable (Article 11), and that the adjudicated land should be located where the community lives (Article 7)[26].

In 2006, Law No. 26160 on the Territorial Survey of Indigenous Communities was created on an emergency basis due to the precarious situation of the indigenous communities. In 2005 there were several confrontations between indigenous communities and local governments resulting in violent evictions, police repression, persecution and judicial harassment in response to indigenous demands to respect their rights[27]. The law was created for 4 years but later extended in 2009 by Law No. 26.554, in 2013 by Law No.26.894, and in 2017 by Law 27.400 until November 2021. This law suspendsed the execution of judgements, procedural or administrative acts whose purpose is the eviction or vacating of the land occupied by indigenous peoples; and orders to survey carry out a survey of the indigenous communities and of lands occupied by them in a current, traditional and public manner[28]. The survey is not a census, and it does not give land titles. Data from LandMark shows that 5.5% of the total Argentinian land area is indigenous and community lands, out of which 2.9% has been acknowledged by the government.

Despite these regulations, disputes over indigenous territorial rights not guaranteed by the state continued to escalate in 2020, especially affected by the lack of a law on indigenous communal ownership and the advance of economic interests and extractive industries around indigenous territories, which often end up in violence[29]. Examples of these conflicts took place in the Lafken Winkul Mapu community in Rio Negro province, and in the Mapuche community of Buenuelo also in Rio Negro.

Land use trends

Argentina has a land area of 2,736,690 km2 most of which (98%) is rural land and 2% is urban land, a proportion that has not changed from 1990 to 2010[30]. In 2010, 91% of the population lived in urban areas.[31] The 2018 Agricultural Census reveals that 82% of the land is for agricultural and forestry use, 17% is for non-agricultural use, and 1% has undefined use.

In the last 20 years, there has been a progressive expansion of agriculture and intensive livestock farming leading to a problem of deforestation. Data from the World Banks shows that from 1990 to 2010 the agricultural land increased from 46,.6% to 53.,8%; at the same time that forest land decreased from 12,.8% in 1990 to 11% in 2010[32]. According to Greenpeace, in the last three decades, 8 million ha of forests have been lost. The provinces of Salta, Santiago del Estero, Chaco y Formosa have been especially affected, where 80% of the deforestation took place[33]. Problems arising from this practice are floods, displacement of peasants and indigenous communities, land conflicts, the disappearance of endangered species and the spread of illnesses.

In order to regulate this situation and recognise the importance of native forests, the Forest Law No. 26.331 was passed in 2007. This law establishes a system to categorize native forests based on the conservation value, and only those in the third category can be subjected to a land use change for agricultural purposes. The rate of deforestation decreased from 0.94% in 2007 to 0.34% in 2015. However, this percentage increased again from 2016 to 2018 due to the reduction or elimination of export taxes on some crops, mainly soybean, which incentivized the expansion of its cultivation at the expense of the native forests[34]. Some reforestation efforts are underway. In 2017 and 2018 several areas were reforested in Argentina, mostly composed of pine (64%) and eucalyptus (25%)  .

The expansion of agriculture in Argentina is linked to the increasing cultivation of oilseeds and cereals since 1988, especially in the Pampa and Northern provinces and the most affected regions for deforestation[35]. In 2018, 39,.9% of the crops were oilseeds and 31,.3% were cereals. The oilseeds cultivation was dominated by soybean (89%), and the production of cereals was mostly focused on corn (54%) and wheat (33%)[36].

Deforestation in Argentina, photo by Benjamin Pender, Flickr, CC-BY-NC 2.0.

Deforestation in Argentina, photo by Benjamin Pender, Flickr, CC-BY-NC 2.0.

Land investments

Argentina is an attractive land investment destination because of their abundant and fertile land. Land investments in Argentina are closely linked to large-scale land acquisitions (LSLAs). The main purposes for LSLAs are food crops (45.8%) and livestock (37.5%). Since 2000, 224 LSLAs’ deals were concluded, out of which 137 were for agriculture and 112 for livestock. Other drivers of those investments are forestry (2.3%), tourism (2%) and biofuels (2%)[37]. 

Even if the majority of the deals (64%) were made by domestic investors, foreign investors have a growing presence. They come mainly from the United States, Qatar and the UK, though investments from China and Saudi Arabia are gaining importance. Investments from those countries are not significant because of the number of deals, but because of their size, being from three to thirty times larger than domestic investments[38]. Mining is the biggest interest for the United States and China, followed by agriculture and forestry to different degrees[39].

Regarding the type of investors, private companies are the most common (63.9% of the area), followed by stock-exchange listed companies (13.7%) and investment funds (7.9%)[40]

The landscape of land investments was influenced by the change in government in 2015. Since 2003 the previous government established an import substitution strategy with strong market and agricultural product regulations. In 2015, the government of Mauricio Macri returned to an agricultural export model eradicating the need to have export permits, as well as eliminating export taxes on all agricultural products except soybean and its by-products, whose taxes were reduced by 5% [41]

Macri’s government also established initiatives to support small and medium-scale farmers through a new credit line with a budget of US$62 million for ten years dedicated to members of agricultural cooperatives[42]. In addition, smallholders received legal protection with Law 27.118 on Family Farming, enacted in 2015, with the objectives of recognizing the value of family farming for the public interest and to promote the development of the producers and their communities, although it has not been regulated yet[43].

Land acquisitions

Large-scale land acquisitions (LSLAs) is are an extended practice in Argentina. They represent 29.6% of the land deals in Latin America and 6.8% at the global level. They were especially prominent in 2007 and 2011. One of the reasons for the land rush in 2007 was the discussions around the soon-to-be passed Forest Law, which would put limits on to that type of dealdeals. The peak      in 2011 can be explained by the rise in the global prices of some agricultural commodities[44]. SEspecially affected by these acquisitions are the northern provinces of Chaco and Salta.

The social and environmental impact of land grabbing often led to conflictive situations with local communities aggravated by the lack of formality in land titles by the inhabitants of the land[45]. The ArgentineArgentinian Civil Code describes three ways by which people have rights over the use of land: owner (propietario), possessor (poseedor), holder (tenedor). Possessors do not have proof of ownership but behave as if they do, and they can make a legal case for ownership.

The conflicts, often involving violence between the new landowners and the possessors, triggered social organizations’ reaction against land grabbing and a later collaboration between government and civil society to improve land governance[46]. This paradoxical collaboration was enabled by an inclusive state policy since 2003 to introduce social issues and actors in the political agenda, and facilitated by the challenges of local governments to implement state laws and policies to promote the creation of mechanisms to support local farmers. The case of Santiago del Estero in the Chaco is a good example.

Santiago del Estero is characterized by active deforestation, the existence of a high number of smallholders whose production is for self-consumption or sale in local markets, the indigenous origin of most of those farms, and the practice of communal land management. Policies aiming to attract business to the province led to the prioritization and expansion of industrial farming over small-scale farming. The lack of formal titles by the peasants occupying the land facilitated their expulsion, often with violence, by the new landowners.

     Social movements and NGOs, such as MOCASE, were organized to pressure local authorities to confront land grabbing and stop the violence. This resulted in the collaboration between both actors in two initiatives: the Registry of Land Holders (Registro de Poseedores) and the Emergency Committee. The purpose of the Registry is to gather information to assist those farmers who want to formalize their land tenure; and the purpose of the Committee is to intervene when the possession rights of the inhabitants of a land are threatened. While the formalization of land titling reduced the negative impact of land grabbing, it also created new challenges regarding land taxes. Land occupants do not have to pay taxes but when communities obtain the formal land title, they are required to do so, though not all families in Santiago del Estero can afford them[47].


Women’s land rights

In Argentina, independently of their social status, women have the same rights as men to secure land and dispose of property, as stated by the 1994 Constitution. This equality was granted by Law 11.357, which modified the civil code to extend civil rights to women in 1968. In 2016, the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) pointed out that the lack of the efficient implementation of that legislation affects women’s access to land[48].

Despite the gender equality regarding land rights in the Constitution and that the Law 23.302/1985 grants indigenous communities the right to land without distinction[1]  by gender, customary norms and social practices in some communities might influence gender-differentiated land rights. For example, in indigenous communities in el Chaco and Formosa provinces the distribution of property is determined by kinship degree, age and gender[49].

Women have a significant presence in the rural area. According to data from 2013, 47% of all family farmers are women[50].  The Rural Land Act No. 26.727 of 2011 grants women equal rights as men to access land. Nevertheless, CEDAW’s report showed concern about the negative impact on rural women’s access to land resulting from the Executive Decree No. 820/2016 of June 2016. The Decree      removes some restrictions on the acquisition and leasing of rural land by foreign individuals and legal entities. CEDAW also pointed to  the risk of forced eviction and sexual violence and harassment in the context of large scale economic development projects, and the disproportionate impact of climate change and natural disasters on rural women[51]. Environmental pollution due to the use of pesticides and agrochemicals, deforestation and the expansion of the area of agriculture and livestock farming in some regions, are forcing poor rural women to migrate to the cities[52].

Isolation, lack of infrastructure, poverty, limited access to justice and other basic services, and lack of access to credit and technology are other challenges faced by rural women in Argentina. According to the 2018 Equality Plan (Plan de Igualdad), rural women, independently of their identity as creole, peasants or indigenous, share circumstances that lead them to a disadvantaged position if compared to rural men and women in urban areas. Rural women receive 25% less wage than men and, as responsible home carers, they are often responsible for providing food and water to the family[53].

In response to this situation, the Ministry of Production and Labour committed to createing a Rural Women Working Group to analyse and plan policies targeted atto these women. There are also different programs targeted to rural development in general, such as the Rural Development Program (PRODEAR), as well as gender specific initiatives such as the program Ellas Hacen, undertaken by the Ministry of Social Development, to facilitate access to credit for low-wages or unemployed women[54].

Timeline - milestones in land governance

1850/1900 – Conquer and expropriation of indigenous peoples’ land

As part of the delimitation of the ArgentineArgentinian Nation territory process, communal land is distributed in private plots.

1940 – Promulgation of legislation and policies to populate the territory

Facilitated by the expansion of the railroad network at the beginning of the 20th century and the possibility of reaching unexplored areas, the Colonization Law No. 12.636 makes state and public banks’ land available to be colonized in order to populate the interior of the country. 

1957 – Agrarian reform

In the context of a shift in the approach to development that favours industrialization and capitalist mindset, Law No. 2187 and Law No. 14451 was passed to facilitate the purchase of land by local producers.

1984/1985 – Legislation on indigenous communities’ rights over land

The Indigenous Policy and Support to Indigenous Communities Law No. 23302 allocates land for agriculture, forestry, mining, industrial or artisanal exploitation to registered indigenous communities.

1990s – Open market and economic deregulation

This measure promoted the technologization of agriculture resulting in double agricultural production and exports. It also caused economic concentration in the land sector followed by the elimination of 21% of agricultural holdings in 10 years.

2007 – Deforestation control and land rush

Forest Law No. 26.331 attempts to control the deforestation caused by years of intensive agricultural practice. This law caused a peak      in large-scale land deals.

2011 – Containment of foreign land ownership

Rural Land Law No. 26737 regulates foreign ownership over rural land establishing a limit of 15%  , and establishes the creation of a rural land registry under the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights supervision.

2015 – Large scale farming vs environmental protection

The government of Mauricio Macri (2015-2019) supported large scale farming and grain traders (who use highly polluting agrochemicals) by reducing and eliminating export tax. 



Where to go next?

The author's suggestion for further reading

For a more extensive overview of how the dynamics and challenges ofchallengesof about the use, tenure and concentration of land have evolved in Argentina, we recommend the report La Problemática de la Tierra en Argentina published by the International Fund of Agricultural Development (IFAD)[55].

Related to the use of land, recent and detailed desegregated data on agricultural holdings in all the Argentinian provinces can be found in the 2018 National Agricultural Census final results published in 2021. Technology is increasingly playing a key role in the way the land is used. To learn how agriculture start-ups are working to provide digital solutions to the agriculture sector in Argentina check the recent Digital Agriculture Profile Argentina published with the collaboration of several international organizations including FAO and the World Bank[56].

Finally, it is worth keeping an eye of the Voluntary Land Degradation Neutrality Targets (Metas Voluntarias de Neutralidad de la Degradación de Tierra) to which the Argentinian government has committed itself within the context of the 2030 agenda for a sustainable development[57].



[1] World Bank.

[2] Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index. (2020). BTI 2020 Country Report. Argentina.  

[3] D’Alessandro, J. and Lacoa, L. Universidad Nacional de La Matanza. (2011). ‘Historias de inmigrantes en Argentina’. Argentina Investiga.

[4] Estudio del Amo. (2021).

[5] Ministerio de Economía. (2021).

[6] Constitution of Argentina. (1994).

[7] Lattuada, M. (2010). Política de tierras en la Argentina: lo estratégico y lo social.

[8] Rural Land Law No. 26737. (2011).

[9] Dirección Nacional del Sistema Argentino de Información Jurídica. (2015). Registro Nacional de Tierras Rurales. Una Política Registral para la Soberanía Territorial. Ministerio de Justicia y Derechos Humanos.

[10] Clichevsky, N. (2002). Pobreza y políticas urbano-ambientales en Argentina. CEPAL.

[11] Ministerio de Desarrollo Territorial y Habitat. (2020). Disposición 5/2020.

[12] Secretaría de Política de Suelo y Urbanismo. (2020). Plan Nacional de Suelo Urbano. Manual de Ejecución Programa Nacional. Ministerio de Desarrollo Territorial y Hábitat.

[13] Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos. (2021). Censo Nacional Agropecuario 2018. Resultados definitivos. Ministerio de Economía.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Ibid.

[16] Slutzky, D. (2008). Situaciones Problemáticas de Tenencia de la Tierra en Argentina. Ministerio de Economía y Producción. Secretaría de Agricultura, Ganadería, Pesca y Alimentos. Dirección de Desarrollo Agropecuario. PROINDER.

[17] Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos. (2021). Censo Nacional Agropecuario 2018. Resultados definitivos. Ministerio de Economía.

[18] Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos. (2002). Censo Nacional Agropecuario.

[19] Incidental contracts are circumstantial leases for the cultivation of a piece of land for a single harvest.

[20] Slutzky, D. (2008). Situaciones Problemáticas de Tenencia de la Tierra en Argentina. Ministerio de Economía y Producción. Secretaría de Agricultura, Ganadería, Pesca y Alimentos. Dirección de Desarrollo Agropecuario. PROINDER.

[21] Ministerio de Agricultura, Ganadería y Pesca. (2013). Resolución No. 449-2013.

[22] ENI Argentina, Land Matrix, International Land Coalition. (2020). Gobernanza de la Tierra y los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sustentable en Argentina.

[23] Ministerio de Justicia y Derechos Humanos. (2018). Registro de Tierras Rurales: digitalizan tres de los trámites más frecuentes.

[24] Bertelsmann Stiftung. (2020). BTI Country Report Argentina. Bertelsmann Stiftung.

[25] Censo de Población. (2010). Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos.

[26] Law 23.302 on Indigenous Policy and Support to Indigenous Communities. (1985). Ministerio de Justicia y Derechos Humanos.

[27] Stidsen, S. (2006). The Indigenous World 2006. IWGIA.  

[28] Instituto Nacional de Asuntos Indígenas. Ministerio de Justicia y Derechos Humanos.

[29] Mamo, D. (ed.). (2021). The Indigenous World 2021. IWGIA.

[30] The World Bank Data.

[31] Instituto Geográfico Nacional (IGN). Ministerio de Defensa.

[32] The World Bank Data.

[33] Greenpeace Argentina.

[34] Gobierno de Argentina.

[35] Sili, M. and Soumoulou, L. (2011). La Problemática de la Tierra en Argentina. Conflictos y dinámicas de uso, tenencia y concentración. Fondo Internacional de Desarrollo Agrícola (FIDA), Ministerio de Agricultura, Ganadería y Pesca.

[36] Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos. (2021). Censo Nacional Agropecuario 2018. Resultados Definitivos.

[37] Land Matrix. (2020). Large-Scale Land Acquisitions in Argentina. A Country Perspective.

[38] Ibid.

[39] Venencia, C. D. (2020). Inversiones Extranjeras en América Latina: El Rol de Estados Unidos y China. GEISA, INENCO CONICET, Land Matrix.

[40] Land Matrix. (2020). Large-Scale Land Acquisitions in Argentina. A Country Perspective.

[41] FAO. (2017). Country Fact Sheet on Food and Agriculture Policy Trends. Argentina.

[42] Ibid.

[43] Ministerio de Justicia y Derechos Humanos. (2015). Ley 27.118 Agricultura Familiar.

[44] Land Matrix. (2020). Large-Scale Land Acquisitions in Argentina. A Country Perspective.

[45] Ibid.

[46] Busscher, N., Vanclay, F. and Parra, C. (2019). ‘Reflections on How State-Civil Society Collaborations Play out in the Context of Land Grabbing in Argentina’. Land – Special Issue Rural Landscapes. Challenges and Solutions to Landscape Governance 8 (8). MDPI.

[47] Ibid.

[48] Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women. (2016). Concluding observations on the seventh periodic report of Argentina. 18 November 2016. CEDAW.

[49] FAO.

[50] FAO.

[51] Ibid.

[52] FAO.

[53] Instituto Nacional de las Mujeres. (2018). Plan de Igualdad de Oportunidades y Derechos. Ministerio de Salud y Desarrollo Social.

[54] OECD. (2019). Social Institutions & Gender Index (SIGI). Argentina.  

[55] Sili, M. and Soumoulou, L. (2011). La Problemática de la Tierra en Argentina. Conflictos y dinámicas de uso, tenencia y concentración. IFAD. Ministerio de Agricultura, Ganadería y Pesca, Presidencia de la Nación. Cooperazione Italiana.

[56] Muñoz, L. A. et. al. (2021). Digital Agriculture Profile Argentina. World Bank, FAO, CIAT. Rome.

[57] Dirección Nacional de Planificación y Ordenamiento Ambiental del Territorio. (2020). Reporte Final sobre el Programa de Establecimiento de Metas Voluntarias de Neutralidad de la Degradación de la Tierra. Ministerio de Ambiente y Desarrollo Sostenible. Buenos Aires.


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