Colombia - Context and Land Governance

^{Photo: Ministerio de Agricultura/Flickr (CC BY-ND 2.0)}

The Colombian state is regulated by the Constitution, which, according to various experts, is the most complete, advanced and pioneering in Latin America². For example, it was the first constitution in the region to mandate special protection of the environment; it grants provisions for progressive access to land ownership for agrarian workers, and it prioritizes the integral development of agriculture, livestock, fisheries, forestry, and agribusiness to achieve legal, socioeconomic, and cultural equality for agricultural communities. At the same time, Colombia was the scene of one of the longest internal armed conflicts in the world. More than fifty years of violent conflict with the main scenario in the rural world. This led to a "governance" of land in the hands of the guerrillas and paramilitaries, resulting in more than 8 million hectares of land being expropriated or forcibly abandoned. The signing of the peace in 2016 led to a process of land restitution that is currently underway.

Historical backdrop

The current situation of land administration in Colombia has been significantly influenced by two interrelated phenomena: armed conflict and drug trafficking. Colombia is the scene of one of the longest internal armed conflicts in the world. More than fifty years of a complex conflict that has cost the lives of 220,000 people and caused a total of eight million victims. The complexity of the Colombian conflict is due in part to the large number of actors involved, including the Colombian state, far-left guerrilla movements such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia -People's Army (FARC-EP - acronym in Spanish), the National Liberation Army (ELN - acronym in Spanish), the Popular Liberation Army (EPL - acronym in Spanish), the 19th. April Movement (M-19), and extreme right-wing paramilitary groups such as the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC - acronym in Spanish). In addition, there are drug cartels and criminal gangs. The actions of these actors spanned the entire national territory, and rural areas were the base of their operations.

Land control, tenure and exploitation have been a fundamental part of the Colombian conflict. It is not surprising, then, that forced displacement and land confiscation have claimed the most victims, primarily affecting the most vulnerable groups, such as peasants with few resources, indigenous communities, and Afro-Colombian communities. 8.3 million hectares were forcibly expropriated and abandoned³. The violent struggle between guerrillas and paramilitaries over territory explains what happened. In some cases, peasants and ranchers were forced to pay these violent groups in exchange for protection; in other cases, extortion caused landowners to sell their land to drug traffickers⁴. This situation paralyzed the land market and lowered its value. It also affected land use, reducing food production and encouraging cattle ranching and palm and forest plantations.

However, the guerrillas' and paramilitaries' interest in land had different motivations and affected the local population differently. For the guerrillas, land was important not as an asset but as a means of gaining sympathizers and collaborators among the local population and influencing local decisions. According to the Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica (Center for Historical Memory), the purpose of the guerrilla-initiated evictions was not to steal land but to strengthen their security by forcibly recruiting those who did not sympathize with them, by taking away their land, or by persecuting family members of military and police officers and army informants. In their areas of control, the FARC gave land to settlers, resettled displaced people, and controlled logging, fishing, and illegal harvests⁵. The paramilitaries, on the other hand, had an interest in enriching themselves in land, either by protecting the lands of drug traffickers and large landowners or by appropriating large tracts of land. This led to the creation of a hostile environment for peasants that included massacres, dispossession and fraudulent land appropriations.

The inclusion of drug traffickers and paramilitaries in the land market has greatly increased their power in rural areas, as has the illegality of the market and inequality. There is no recent data on the extent of land ownership by drug traffickers, but in 2005 some media reports put the figure at between 1 million and 4 million hectares⁶. A diplomatic cable sent to Washington in 2007 stated that 10% of the country was owned by drug traffickers or paramilitaries⁷. According to a 2005 report by the Comptroller General of the Republic, the acquisition of land by drug traffickers was used to launder money or obtained by force⁸. Drug traffickers used the land for illegal investments, particularly in cattle ranches, or for coca cultivation and processing⁹. A 2004 study linked growing rural inequality to the expansion of cattle ranching, leaving only 30% of the land suitable for agriculture¹⁰.

After several attempts, the conflict in Colombia came to at least an official end in November 2016 with the final signing of peace between the government and the FARC-EP¹¹, although recent violent incidents suggest that some groups oppose the peace¹². Given the impact of the conflict on rural areas, the peace agreement includes Comprehensive Rural Reform (RRI) to boost social and economic development and promote rural opportunities, especially for the most affected populations¹³. Land reform includes what is known as "integral access." This access includes access to land through the restitution of land taken or purchased illegally, the distribution of uncultivated land through a land fund, and the formalization of the property registry. In addition, farmers will be helped to make their land productive through credit, irrigation, technical assistance, and association and commercialization opportunities¹⁴. The peace agreement also includes a solution to the problem of illegal drugs through a different treatment of consumption, illegal cultivation and organized crime related to drug trafficking¹⁵.

Land legislation and regulations

The 1991 Constitution defines property as a social function that entails obligations and has an inherent ecological function (art. 58). The Constitution guarantees private property and, according to article 58, the State shall  protect and promotes associative and solidary forms of property. Private property may be expropriated for reasons of public utility or social interest, as determined by the legislature. Under the Constitution, the state also has a duty to promote the progressive access of rural workers to land ownership, whether on an individual or associative basis, in order to improve their quality of life (Article 64).

One of the most important land management policies is the land restitution policy, regulated by the Victims Law 1448 of 2011¹⁶. This policy applies to land forcibly dispossessed or abandoned between January 1, 1991, and the law's expiration date (extended to 2031)¹⁷. The Ministry of Agriculture has established a website that answers key questions, such as who is eligible for restitution, what requirements must be met, and how to apply¹⁸. The website also defines key assumptions and concepts to clarify when the policy applies. The government defines land confiscation as an action used by armed groups, their representatives or even opportunists to make the legitimate owners, occupants, or residents of the land sell, surrender, or vacate the land, taking advantage of the situation and vulnerability of the victims. The law is flexible in adapting the presentation of evidence to the particular circumstances in a conflict context. For example, signatures or documents were often forged to dispose of land, and corrupt officials were involved. The fact that crimes were committed in such transactions is not considered an obstacle by judges when following the mechanisms of the Victims' Law to return the land to its true owners. It is also considered dispossession when the Colombian Institute for Rural Development (INCODER - acronym in Spanish) or later the Colombian Institute for Agrarian Reform (INCORA - acronym in Spanish) took away land that had been granted to people because it considered them abandoned and granted it to another person on the grounds of administrative forfeiture¹⁹.

As of December 2021, the number of land restitution requests received was 135,730²⁰. Since land restitution began in 2011, applications have not been as numerous as expected. Reasons cited include lack of trust in authorities and institutions, lack of awareness or limited knowledge, and difficulties in accessing relevant institutions, e.g., due to physical distance²¹. The fact that restitution began when the conflict was still ongoing also contributed to the perception that restitution was an uncertain process, given the possibility of returning to land that could be repossessed by active armed groups²².

After the signing of the peace agreement, the distribution of vacant land has also been an important part of land administration in Colombia. According to Law 1900 of 2018, in order to apply for the award of vacant land for free, one must comply with requirements such as not having a net worth exceeding 250 monthly minimum wages, not owning rural and/or urban land except if it is for housing, not having been a beneficiary of any land program, not serving a sentence, and not having been declared as an undue occupant of vacant or fiscal land, according to Article 4 of Decree 902 of 2017²³. The social function of the land is also emphasized either to strengthen food production, environmental protection or the substitution of illicit crops, as well as the possibility of applying for land both individually and through associations or cooperative organizations. There is the possibility of accessing a partially free title in case of having a patrimony that exceeds 250 minimum monthly salaries up to a maximum of 700 minimum monthly salaries, in addition to other requirements detailed in article 5. 

^{Alta Guajira. Colombia. 2010. Photo: Santiago La Rotta. (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)}

2018 also saw the presentation of Bill 003 New Land Law to which the government committed itself after the signing of the peace agreement to modify the 1994 Agrarian Reform Law. However, peasant, indigenous and Afro-Colombian organizations expressed their rejection of the project and demanded its withdrawal for presenting a model focused on the promotion of large agribusiness, mining and hydrocarbon investors, fostering inequality in access to land²⁴. This criticism is based, for example, on the presence of figures such as the "regularization by legitimate trust" that makes possible the delivery of vacant lands to subjects other than those of the agrarian reform, or the classification of vacant lands as "inadjudicable" in areas where large-scale exploitation of natural resources takes place. The Colombian Commission of Jurists agrees with this criticism, arguing that this law leaves aside the peasant farmer and will only benefit the agro-industrial and extractivist sector²⁵. The law was not approved and there is no knowledge that it has been reformed.

Land tenure classifications

The following types of land possession are officially recognized in Colombia: private property, collective property (including community use of land, indigenous reserves and collective territories of black communities), possession, occupation, lease, leasehold, sharecropping, commodatum, antichresis and vacancy²⁶. Possession is the use of a property as owner without being registered as such. It may be regular, which is obtained through a fair title; or irregular, which does not have a fair title²⁷. Irregular possessions can be violent and vicious (those that are violent and clandestine)²⁸. Occupation occurs when a State property (vacant land) is lived on and exploited without having been adjudicated. Leasing occurs when there is a contract granting permission to use a piece of land or part of it. In sharecropping the permission granted is to exploit in mutual collaboration with the owner a price or part of it to share the fruits or profits. The gratuitous bailment is a loan to use a property free of charge with the charge of returning the same kind after the end of its use. Tenancy in antichresis consists of a contract by which a real estate property is delivered to the creditor to be paid with its fruits. Vacancy exists when a property appears without an apparent and known owner over which private ownership was previously exercised²⁹. 

Two aspects have characterized land tenure in Colombia: informality and inequality. According to a report by the International Crisis Group, only 15% of land is registered despite the fact that, in practice, most land is considered to be occupied, sometimes illegally³⁰. Formalization of land ownership is linked to limited cadastral information, which impedes informed public policy decision-making³¹. Colombia has a multipurpose cadastral registry in place to facilitate land regularization and information, strengthen property rights and facilitate access to land, for which it received a US$100 million loan from the World Bank³². But, no cadastral data has been found online. The only way to prove ownership of the land is to register it in the Public Registry Offices or make the purchase by public deed through a notary³³. During the conflict, anomalies in the registration of rural land included irregularities on the part of the officials responsible for verifying compliance with requirements and certifying the adjudication of vacant land and land transactions³⁴. Since the signing of the peace agreement in 2016, 18,000 properties have been formalized, representing an area of 23,474 ha³⁵. In the departments where most land was formalized were Cauca and Boyacá and in those with the least Bolivar and Caquetá. Fifty percent of the formalization of these lands directly benefited women. 

Regarding inequality, Colombia is considered the most unequal country in the region. Data from 1960 and 2014 show a clear trend in land concentration³⁶. While the number of agricultural units larger than 500 ha remained the same (0.4% in 1960 and 0.5% in 2014), the surface area they occupied increased from 29% in 1960 to 68.2% in 2014. Meanwhile, units smaller than 5 ha increased from 66.7% in 1960 to 70.5% in 2014, decreasing their area from 6% to 2.7%.

Some studies show how some forms of land tenure can contribute to such inequality. For example, research on the municipality of Marulanda in the department of Caldas, argues that indirect land tenure types such as sharecropping, applied by 73% and 88% of medium and large landowners to maintain dominion and control over their land, encourage semi-feudal production relations due to low wages and working conditions, and limit the resilience of peasants³⁷. They also make it difficult for workers to become independent producers as it would affect the availability of cheap labor for large landowners.

Collective land rights

The demand for collective land rights in Colombia comes mainly from indigenous peoples and Afro-Colombian communities. In the first case, the Indigenous Territorial Entities (ETI - acronym in Spanish) and the reserves have been recognized. According to the Constitution, the indigenous territories are governed by councils formed and regulated according to the uses and customs of their communities, and exercise the functions of overseeing the application of the legal norms on land use and settlement of their territories, designing policies and plans for economic and social development, collecting and distributing their resources, overseeing the preservation of natural resources, and promoting and overseeing the due execution of public investments in their territory, among others (Art. 330). 

What distinguishes the recognition of indigenous territories in Colombia is that the ETIs are recognized as a civil/political entity with the same autonomous status as departments, districts and municipalities (Art. 286), and not as a distinct cultural entity as in other countries in the region. This means that indigenous territories are not given a special chapter in the Constitution, as is the case in Bolivia, Ecuador or Peru, but are just another piece of the territorial order with their rights (Art. 287) and obligations (Art. 330). One possible explanation for this difference in the treatment of indigenous land rights is that the indigenous population in Colombia is lower than in other countries, representing 4.3% of the total population³⁸. Another is that Colombia is not defined in the Constitution as a multicultural country.  

In addition to the ETIs, indigenous reserves are recognized, defined as a legal territorial division that, by means of a title, guarantees to a certain indigenous group the ownership of a territory owned in common and traditionally entitled by them³⁹. The relationship between these two legal figures is not clear, beyond the fact that they are not identical⁴⁰. The resguardos are collective property and cannot be alienated (art. 329). Approximately 58.3% of the indigenous population lives in 717 collectively owned reserves⁴¹. There are currently 770 reserves occupying 25.3% of the national territory⁴². Although a high percentage of indigenous people live on titled collectively owned land, the quality of the land is questionable and not always suitable for farming⁴³. According to a 2007 study, of 31.2 million hectares titled up to that year, 79% were forest areas unsuitable for agriculture, almost one million corresponded to moorlands, deserts and forest protection areas, and three million hectares to areas with national parks⁴⁴. This, together with forced displacements, contributes to the situation of poverty experienced by indigenous people, which in 2012 affected 63% of indigenous population⁴⁵.

Since its mention in the 1991 Constitution, the Land Management Law that will regulate indigenous territories in Colombia has not yet been created. As an interim measure in 2014, a special regime was established in order to put them into operation through Decree 1953⁴⁶. 

The Constitution also recognizes the right to collective land ownership for black communities that have occupied vacant lands in the riparian zones of the rivers of the Pacific Basin regulated by Law 70 created in 1993 for this purpose⁴⁷. In 2015 there were 181 Community Councils of Black Communities occupying 5,502,002 hectares in Chocó, Antioquia and the Caribbean⁴⁸. 

In practice, the implementation of the collective land rights of ethnic groups is often deficient or does not always lead to the expected results of security and better quality of life for their populations. An example of this is the case of the U'wa indigenous people presented in October 2020 before the Inter-American Court of Human Rights by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR). The IACHR accuses the Colombian State of violating the U'wa people's rights to collective property and participation in matters that affect them^49. According to the IACHR, the U'wa people have not been able to use or enjoy their lands in a peaceful manner due to the lack of timely and complete titling, delays in land titling by the State, and non-compliance with the right to free, prior and informed consultation when granting permits and concessions for oil, mining and infrastructure projects in their territories. In addition to not carrying out the required consultations, in granting these licenses the State did not take into account the state of vulnerability of the U'wa people, severely affected by the armed conflict that led them to be in danger of extinction.

Land use trends

Most of Colombia's territory is rural. No recent urban area data has been found after 2014 but in that year the urban area in Colombia was 0.3%⁵⁰. 

One of the factors that has most influenced land use in Colombia is the armed conflict. From an environmental point of view, the conflict had two opposing effects, depending on the area. In some cases it brought about the degradation of ecosystems, leaving the land more exposed to illegal logging, conversion to pasture or coca cultivation; and in other cases, although involuntarily, it ended up protecting the environment⁵¹. This is argued by studies that show how logging and mining activity increased after the signing of the peace agreement⁵².  One of the reasons for this increase is that the cessation of the conflict altered the order of power and criminal gangs disputed the spaces previously governed by the FARC and on which there were certain restrictions on logging⁵³. Other reasons for the preservation of forests during the conflict include rural-to-urban migration caused by the violence and the protection that forests offered to hide armed groups⁵⁴. A recent study also shows how, especially in the Andean-Amazon region, with the de-escalation of the conflict, the increase in deforestation fronts has affected the connectivity of the landscape⁵⁵. Thus, from 2000 to 2020, 18% of the connected habitat and 13% of the forest habitat was lost, affecting the natural connection between the Andean and Amazon regions and the ability of species to move⁵⁶.  

In any case, the forest area in Colombia has been progressively decreasing from 58.5% in 1990 to 53.3% in 2020⁵⁷. Especially in tropical forests, the main cause of deforestation is the cattle industry⁵⁸. Other causes of tree loss have been unplanned infrastructure growth, coca cultivation, mining (mostly illegal), industrial agriculture, land grabbing and logging⁵⁹. One of the reasons for the deforestation of Andean forests is the cultivation of illegal products such as opium⁶⁰. 

According to 2019 data, 77.9% of Colombian land was used for livestock and 9.2% for agricultural use⁶¹. Livestock is one of the most important activities in the agricultural sector with an estimated contribution to livestock GDP of 48.7% and generating about 810,000 direct jobs⁶². Livestock grazing covers 34 million hectares and is concentrated mainly in the departments of Meta (12.8%), Antioquia (10%), Casanare (9.9%) and Santander (6%)⁶³. 

The armed conflict also affected crops. One study shows how in regions with intense violence, annual agricultural production and investments declined, and households concentrated production on seasonal crops and pasture⁶⁴. In the presence of non-state actors, production costs increased and investments were lower.  

Of the agricultural production in 2019, 66.7% were crops for agro-industrial use, 10.6% were fruits, 10% were tubers and bananas, 7% were cereals, 4.8% were vegetables and legumes, and 0.7% were scattered fruit trees⁶⁵. One of the crops that covers the largest area is coffee, in 2021 there were 844,744 hectares⁶⁶.

The agreement to solve the illicit drug problem included in the 2016 peace accords has also affected land use. According to the agreement, a National Comprehensive Crop Substitution Program will be in charge of eradicating such crops^67. In such eradication, growers will not be treated as criminals and will be provided with productive alternatives. It is expected that such measures will also prevent the destruction of jungle and forests associated with the expansion of illicit crops. According to United Nations data, in 2020 coca cultivation was reduced by 7% from 154,000 hectares to 143,000 hectares⁶⁸. The U.S. White House Office of National Drug Control Policy offers opposing data and estimates that coca cultivation in Colombia in 2020 increased by more than 15% reaching 245,000 hectares⁶⁹. According to the United Nations, in 2016, the year of the signing of the peace agreement, coca cultivation increased by 52% from 96,000 to 146,000 hectares⁷⁰.

^{Coffee plant, Colombia, photo by Francesco Veronesi, Flickr, CC-BY-NC-SA 2.0} 

Land investments

Investments in oil palm cultivation have made Colombia the fourth largest producer in the world and the first in the Americas, and currently occupy more than 600,000 hectares^71. Its cultivation has been promoted since 2002 through policies granting tax exemptions, credit facilities, subsidies, tax incentives and price regulation⁷². One of the main investors in this crop were the paramilitaries, as it was used for their livelihood as well as for money laundering and to guarantee their presence in the territory. In the Curvaradó River region, for example, the paramilitaries grabbed around 22,000 hectares belonging to Afro-Colombian groups to implement large-scale palm projects⁷³. Palm cultivation has been closely linked to the armed conflict, suggesting that the activity of palm companies took place on dispossessed or forcibly abandoned lands. A study shows that municipalities where oil palm is grown account for 22.4% of total forced displacement⁷⁴.

In recent years, foreign investment in the Colombian agricultural sector has increased significantly. Between 2018 and 2020, USD 950 million were invested and in one year, from 2018 to 2019, investment increased by 79%⁷⁵. Colombia's geographical and physical conditions are two of its greatest attractions for having access to two oceans, fertile land with an agricultural frontier of 40 million hectares of which only 19% has been used, favorable climatic conditions, water resources and a great diversity of thermal floors and microclimates which allows cultivation more frequently than in other countries. Colombian institutions have also encouraged such investment by offering advantageous conditions such as tax incentives or investment guarantees⁷⁶. In contrast to the investments in 2013 concentrated in extensive crops such as soybeans and corn, there is now a greater diversity of products and projects such as initiatives in precision agriculture, specialty coffee crops, poultry production, avocado and medical cannabis, among others⁷⁷. Investments come from countries as diverse as Canada, Chile, the United States, Spain, Israel, Brazil, Belgium, the United Arab Emirates, South Korea, France, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, Mexico, Norway and the Netherlands⁷⁸.

Investment in mining has also been increasing, reaching a six-year high of USD 131 million in 2021⁷⁹. Mining activity is mainly concentrated in the extraction of coal, gold, emeralds, nickel and copper. The government is encouraging investment in the mining sector to increase exports of these minerals. One of the main export minerals is emeralds, which account for 85% of the country's exports⁸⁰. Colombia is the largest emerald exporter in Latin America and the second largest in the world after Zambia.  

As in the rest of the countries, in Colombia, non-renewable resources belong to the State.  But in the case of minerals, Article 124 of the Mining Code grants indigenous (Art. 124) and black (Art. 133) communities the right of priority for the mining authority to grant them concessions over mining deposits and deposits located in an indigenous mining area⁸¹. In 2017, there were 25 mining zones of indigenous communities and 43 mining zones of black communities declared⁸². No published information has been found on cases in which such a right has been made effective. 

On the other hand, some rural associations have defined the Mining Code as regressive for eliminating the protection of small-scale miners with respect to large investors, for example, by eliminating the categories of small, medium and large minorities and including them in "productive mining units"⁸³. Other conditions such as being able to move from the exploration phase to exploitation with a single license, the duration of the concession contract at 30 years with the possibility of extending it for an additional 25 years, eliminating the environmental license requirement, and the possibility of a second extension are perceived as measures that could benefit transnationals.

Women’s land rights

In Colombia, 48.13% of the rural population (24.2%) are women⁸⁴. The rights of rural women in Colombia are recognized through international and national instruments. At the international level, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, approved in Colombia by Law 51 of 1981 and ratified in 1982⁸⁵, recognizes rural women's right to participate in rural development and its benefits. At the national level, Law 731 of 2002 promotes the integral development of rural women and seeks to generate greater equality between rural men and women⁸⁶. The law includes rights such as preferential access to land for rural women heads of household and those in a state of social and economic unprotection due to violence, abandonment or widowhood; joint titling of land between the members of the couple; participation in decision-making bodies in rural women's programs; a lower rate on credit lines for low-income rural women; priority in procedures for their quick and simple completion; priority for access to housing subsidies for rural women heads of household. Law 1900 of 2018 establishes gender equity criteria in the adjudication of vacant land⁸⁷.

^{Rural woman, cotton farming. By Ministry of Agriculture, Colombia. (CC BY-ND 2.0)}

Despite these rights, structural inequality in access to land in Colombia is reflected in gender⁸⁸. According to the 2014 National Agricultural Census, out of 1,677,601 agricultural production units, 498,886 were under the responsibility of a woman. 51,642 women reported having machinery in their agricultural production unit compared to 219,934 men. And 65,065 women received technical assistance in 2013 compared to 216,861 men. Gender differences also exist in the land restitution process. As of February 2020, 38,863 of the applications were submitted by women and 55,897 by men⁸⁹.

Given the obstacles that rural women experience in accessing land such as structural discrimination and lack of knowledge of their rights, the EUROsociAL Program, funded by the European Union and with the support of the Colombian Ministry of Justice and Law, published in 2020 a comprehensive and practical Guide for rural women in access to justice and land with detailed technical information on the steps to be followed to formalize land, request land restitution and access to vacant land⁹⁰.

Rural women have also experienced difficulties in accessing formal credit, for example due to lack of income and low employment in paid jobs, time spent on care and housework, or lack of financial education⁹¹. The Colombian government has implemented specific programs to support rural women. In April 2021 it launched the "Mis Finanzas Cuentan" (My Finances count) strategy to improve financial inclusion and women's empowerment, and has financial education programs and a special line of credit, among other initiatives⁹². In 2021 the government also regulated, through Decree 1731, the Development Fund for Rural Women (FOMMUR), which will promote plans, programs, projects and outreach and training activities that will enable the incorporation of rural women into the country's economic and social policy⁹³.

Timeline - milestones in land governance

1936 - Land Legislation
In this year Law 200, known as the Land Law, was approved. Its objective was to correct the dominion and concentration of rural property. It established the figure of "extinction of dominion" of vacant land or loss of property due to non-compliance with the social function of the land. It also made possible the acquisition of plots of land by sharecroppers and tenants and the legalization of the tenure of settlers. However, the efforts of Law 200 to eliminate latifundia were abandoned by Law 100 of 1944. This law established lease and sharecropping contracts as of public utility, which was used by the latifundistas to increase the violent dispossession of land and extend the period of abandonment from 10 to 15 years for lands declared as vacant. 

1960 - Internal armed conflict
In 1960, or 1958 depending on the source, the internal armed conflict began. It was based in rural areas, which led to forced displacement and the dispossession of more than 8 million hectares.

1962-1967 - Institutionalization of the agrarian issue
On the occasion of Law 135 on Agrarian Reform of 1961, the Colombian Institute of Agrarian Reform (Incora) was created, in charge of managing the National Agrarian Council (CNA) and the National Agrarian Fund (FNA). Its objective was to reform the agrarian social structure against land concentration by providing land to landless peasants, adapting land for production, increasing the capacities of small landowners and sharecroppers through technical assistance and credits, and conserving and improving the management of natural resources.  

1968 - Changes in the agrarian reform
Law 1 of 1968 amends Law 135 of 1961 and includes novelties such as the administrative extinguishment of ownership of inadequately exploited lands, the delivery of land to the sharecroppers who work it, and the creation of the National Association of Peasant Users (ANUC) as a vehicle for dialogue between peasants and the State. However, Law 4 of 1973, the result of the Chicoral Pact between the government and the large landowners to stop the agrarian reform, established extensive cattle ranching as the most appropriate way to exploit the land. That same year, Law 5 defined the lines of credit for businessmen and large landowners for the modernization of the latifundia. This implied the reorientation of financial aid to the peasantry, making it conditional on the contracting of technical assistance. 

1994 - Boosting of the land market
Under Law 160, land ownership was acquired through direct purchase by the farmers. The farmer paid 70% of the cost and the remaining 30% could come from a line of credit. This law introduced the concept of Zonas de Reserva Campesina (ZRC) with the purpose, among others, of preventing the inappropriate expansion of the agricultural frontier and the inequitable concentration of rural property, as well as promoting the sustainable development of the peasant economy. This law also created the National System of Agrarian Reform and Rural Peasant Development with the objective of introducing a subsidized land market as a redistributive strategy.

2016 - Peace Accords
The peace agreements included a commitment to agrarian reform that would have land restitution as one of the fundamental pillars. This commitment includes the massive formalization of small and medium rural property, as well as guaranteeing the rights of legitimate land owners and possessors with a view to preventing land dispossession. In addition, the government is expected to formalize 7 million hectares of small and medium rural property, prioritizing areas related to the Development Programs with a Territorial Approach (PDET) and the ZRCs.

Where to go next?

The author's suggestion for further reading 

After the signing of the peace agreement, agrarian reform and land restoration required understanding and clarifying as much as possible the complex web of social, economic and political processes that link the agrarian issue with the violence in Colombia. To this end, the National Center for Historical Memory (CNMH - acronym in Spanish) published a series of studies on land, the main explanatory lines of which are summarized in the report: Tierras. Balance de la contribución del CNMH al esclarecimiento histórico (Land. Assessment of the CNMH's contribution to historical clarification), published in 2018. In this line, the Truth Commission has recently published its final report composed of several volumes where different aspects of the conflict are addressed and the victims of violence are recognized⁹⁴.

The armed conflict had a significant impact on the rural population in general and affected men and women differently. In 2010 the International Land Coalition published the research report Uno en el campo tiene esperanza. Mujeres rurales y recomposición en el acceso, tenencia y uso de la tierra por el conflicto armado en Buga, Colombia (One in the countryside has hope. Rural women and the recomposition of land access, tenure and use due to the armed conflict in Buga, Colombia), where the direct testimonies of 10 women are collected on how the conflict changed their relationship with the land. To learn more about the reality of rural women in Colombia after the conflict, the National Administrative Department of Statistics (DANE - acronym in Spanish) published in 2020 the report Rural Women in Colombia on the living conditions of women in the countryside with data from 2019. The report includes statistical information to describe the population inhabiting rural areas, the type of work performed by rural women, the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic on the rural market, housing conditions, rural women, and gender stereotypes in rural areas. 

Knowing the agricultural frontier is key to understanding land management and use in order to advise investment policies as well as environmental protection. The Agricultural Rural Planning Unit of the Ministry of Agriculture published, in 2018, Identificación General de la Frontera Agrícola en Colombia. Escala 1:100.000 (the report General Identification of the Agricultural Frontier in Colombia. Scale 1:100,000). It presents the definition of agricultural frontier and the methodological process for its identification in Colombia. 

References

[1] Censo Nacional de Población y Vivienda. 2018. https://www.dane.gov.co/index.php/estadisticas-por-tema/demografia-y-poblacion/censo-nacional-de-poblacion-y-vivenda-2018 

[2] Daniel Pardo. (2021). “30 años de la Constitución de Colombia: ¿por qué la celebrada carta política del 91 no ha logrado resolver los problemas más graves del país?”. BBC. https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-57690929 

[3] Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica. (2015). Una Nación Desplazada. https://www.centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co/descargas/informes2015/nacion-desplazada/una-nacion-desplazada.pdf 

[4] Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica. (2018). Tierras. Balance de la contribución del CNMH al esclarecimiento histórico. http://www.centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co/micrositios/balances-jep/descargas/balance-tierras.pdf 

[5] Ibidem.

[6] El Tiempo. (2005). “El narcotráfico tiene más de un millón de hectáreas de tierra, dice la Contraloría.” https://www.eltiempo.com/archivo/documento/MAM-1620374 

[7] El Espectador. (2011). “Wikileaks: 10% de las tierras en Colombia son de narcos o ‘paras’”. https://www.elespectador.com/actualidad/wikileaks-10-de-las-tierras-en-colombia-son-de-narcos-o-paras-260648/ 

[8] El Tiempo. (2005). “El narcotráfico tiene más de un millón de hectáreas de tierra, dice la Contraloría.” https://www.eltiempo.com/archivo/documento/MAM-1620374 

[9] Ibidem.

[10] Klaus Deininger e Isabel Lavadenz. (2004). “Colombia: Land Policy in Transition”. En breve No. 55. https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/10347/307340ENGLISH0en0breve0550CO0Land0Policy.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y 

[11] Cancillería Gobierno de Colombia.  (2016). Acuerdo final para la terminación del conflicto y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera. https://www.cancilleria.gov.co/sites/default/files/Fotos2016/12.11_1.2016nuevoacuerdofinal.pdf 

[12] Daniel Pardo. (2021). “Colombia: quiénes son y cuánto poder tienen los grupos que se resisten a la paz”. BBC. https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-58757536 

[13] Plan Marco de Implementación Consolidado DNP. (2018). “Explicación puntos del acuerdo”. Consejería Presidencial par la Estabilización y la Consolidación. https://www.portalparalapaz.gov.co/publicaciones/811/explicacion-puntos-del-acuerdo/ 

[14] Cancillería Gobierno de Colombia. (2016). ABC del Acuerdo Final. Cartilla Pedagógica: Acuerdo final para la terminación del conflicto y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera. https://www.cancilleria.gov.co/sites/default/files/cartillaabcdelacuerdofinal2.pdf

[15] Ibidem. 

[16] Ministerio del Interior y de Justicia. (2012). Ley de Víctimas y Restitución de Tierras. https://www.centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co/micrositios/caminosParaLaMemoria/descargables/ley1448.pdf Un servicio de atención al ciudadano sobre los derechos que otorga dicha ley se encuentra aquí: https://www.unidadvictimas.gov.co/es/servicio-al-ciudadano/abc-de-la-ley/89  

[17] Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica. (2021). El gobierno nacional prorroga la Ley de Víctimas y Restitución de Tierras. https://centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co/gobierno-duque-prorroga-la-ley-de-victimas-y-restitucion-de-tierras/#:~:text=El%20Presidente%20Iv%C3%A1n%20Duque%20sancion%C3%B3,pueblos%20ind%C3%ADgenas%2C%20afro%20y%20rom. 

[18] Ministerio de Agricultura. ‘Restitución de tierras´. https://www.minagricultura.gov.co/atencion-ciudadano/preguntas-frecuentes/Paginas/Restitucion-de-Tierras.aspx#:~:text=%C2%BFQui%C3%A9nes%20tienen%20derecho%20a%20la,10%20de%20junio%20de%202021. 

[19] Ibidem.

[20] Humanidad Vigente. (2022). “Los retos de la restitución de tierras en etapa administrative para los reclamantes en el Meta 2020-2021”. https://humanidadvigente.net/los-retos-de-la-restitucion-de-tierras-en-etapa-administrativa-para-los-reclamantes-en-el-meta-2020-2021/#:~:text=El%20panorama%20a%20nivel%20nacional,46%25%20del%20total%20de%20las 

[21] Frances Thomson. (2017). “Restitución de tierras en Colombia: ¿por qué las solicitudes son tan pocas?” Migraciones Forzadas Revista. https://www.fmreview.org/es/latinoamerica-caribe/thomson 

[22] Amnistía Internacional. (2014). Un Título de Propiedad no Basta. Por una restitución sostenible de tierras en Colombia. https://www.amnesty.org/en/wp-content/uploads/sites/4/2021/05/AMR230312014SPANISH.pdf 

[23] Presidencia de la República. (2017). Decreto Ley 902. http://es.presidencia.gov.co/normativa/normativa/DECRETO%20902%20DEL%2029%20DE%20MAYO%20DE%202017.pdf 

[24] Christian Mantilla. (2019). “El proyecto de ley 003 de 2018 ´Nueva Ley de Tierras´: Un nuevo golpe contra el campesinado, los pueblos indígenas y afrocolombianos.” Comosoc. https://comosoc.org/el-proyecto-de-ley-003-de-2018/#:~:text=%E2%80%93%20El%20proyecto%20de%20Ley%20003%20de%202018%20obstaculiza%20procedimientos%20que,paz%20con%20las%20FARC%2DEP. 

[25] Andrés Neira. “La nueva Ley de Tierras no beneficiará a los campesinos”. Comisión Colombiana de Juristas.  https://www.coljuristas.org/nuestro_quehacer/item.php?id=146 

[26] ABC del Finkero. (2015). “La UPRA aclara términos sobre tenencia de tierra”. http://abc.finkeros.com/la-upra-aclara-terminos-sobre-tenencia-de-tierra/ 

[27] Unidad de Planificación Rural Agropecuaria (UPRA). (2016). Guía de Formalización de la Propiedad Rural por Barrido Predial. Ministerio de Agricultura y Desarrollo Rural. https://www.minagricultura.gov.co/ministerio/direcciones/Documents/Guia_formalizacion_propiedad_rural.pdf 

[28] Código Civil Colombiano. https://www.oas.org/dil/esp/codigo_Civil_Colombia.pdf 

[29] ABC del Finkero. (2015). “La UPRA aclara términos sobre tenencia de tierra”. http://abc.finkeros.com/la-upra-aclara-terminos-sobre-tenencia-de-tierra/ 

[30] International Crisis Group. (2021). A Broken Canopy: Preventing Deforestation and Conflict in Colombia. Latin America Report No. 91. https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/091-colombia-broken-canopy.pdf 

[31] Paola Medellín. (2020). “Gestión catastral en Colombia: proyecciones y limitaciones”. Unidad administrativa de catastro digital. https://catastrobogota.gov.co/noticia/gestion-catastral-en-colombia-proyecciones-y-limitaciones   

[32] Banco Mundial. (2019). ´Colombia´s multipurpose registry will become a reality with World Bank support´. https://www.worldbank.org/en/news/press-release/2019/03/14/colombias-multipurpose-registry-will-become-a-reality-with-world-bank-support 

[33] Oficinas de Registro de Instrumentos Públicos. https://www.supernotariado.gov.co/ 

[34] Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica. (2016). Tierras y conflictos rurales. Historia, políticas agrarias y protagonistas. https://centrodememoriahistorica.gov.co/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/tierras-y-conflictos-rurales.pdf 

[35] Observatorio de Tierras Rurales. “Seguridad Jurídica 2016-2022”. https://otr.ant.gov.co/OTR/Observatorio/SeguridadJuridica 

[36] Oxfam. (sin año). Radiografía de la desigualdad. Lo que nos dice el último censo agropecuario sobre la distribución de la tierra en Colombia. https://www-cdn.oxfam.org/s3fs-public/file_attachments/radiografia_de_la_desigualdad.pdf 

[37] Catalina Triviño, Cindy Alexandra Córdoba y Javier Toro. (2020). “Tenencia de la tierra y relaciones de producción. Dimensiones ineludibles en la resiliencia de campesinos (Municipio de Marulanda, Caldas-Colombia).” Cuadernos de Desarrollo Rural 17. https://revistas.javeriana.edu.co/index.php/desarrolloRural/article/view/23469 

[38] Censo Nacional de Población y Vivienda. 2018. Grupos étnicos. https://www.dane.gov.co/index.php/estadisticas-por-tema/demografia-y-poblacion/grupos-etnicos/informacion-tecnica 

[39] OAS. Capítulo V. Comunidades indígenas. https://www.oas.org/dsd/publications/unit/oea62s/ch011.htm 

[40] Frank Semper. (2006). ´Los derechos de los pueblos indígenas de Colombia en la jurisprudencia de la Corte Constitucional´. Anuario de Derecho Constitucional Latinoamericano.  https://www.corteidh.or.cr/tablas/R08047-3.pdf 

[41] IWGIA. (2022). El Mundo Indígena 2022: Colombia. https://www.iwgia.org/doclink/iwgia-libro-el-mundo-indigena-2022-esp/eyJ0eXAiOiJKV1QiLCJhbGciOiJIUzI1NiJ9.eyJzdWIiOiJpd2dpYS1saWJyby1lbC1tdW5kby1pbmRpZ2VuYS0yMDIyLWVzcCIsImlhdCI6MTY1MTEyOTgwOCwiZXhwIjoxNjUxMjE2MjA4fQ.JAMbFFsO3IMNMluI0VChSGAauv0p6MqN-mxKIgOCx4Q 

[42] Joaquín Mauricio López Bejarano. (2020). ´Los 770 resguardos indígenas tienen 28,9 millones de hectáreas, eso es 25,3% del total nacional´. AgroNegocios. https://www.agronegocios.co/aprenda/los-resguardos-indigenas-cuentan-con-mas-de-la-cuarta-parte-de-la-tierra-de-colombia-3049017 

[43] Frank Semper. (2006). ´Los derechos de los pueblos indígenas de Colombia en la jurisprudencia de la Corte Constitucional´. Anuario de Derecho Constitucional Latinoamericano.  https://www.corteidh.or.cr/tablas/R08047-3.pdf 

[44] PNUD. (2011). Pueblos indígenas. Diálogo entre culturas. Cuadernos del Informe de Desarrollo Humano Colombia. https://www.co.undp.org/content/colombia/es/home/library/human_development/pueblos-indi_genas---dialogo-entre-culturas.html 

[45] El País. (2012). “63% de la población indígena en Colombia es pobres, según un estudio de la ONU”. https://www.elpais.com.co/colombia/63-de-la-poblacion-indigena-en-es-pobre-segun-estudio-de-la-onu.html

[46] Decreto 1953. (2014). https://www.funcionpublica.gov.co/eva/gestornormativo/norma_pdf.php?i=59636 

[47] Ministerio de Cultura. (2014). 27 de Agosto. Conmemoración Ley 70 de 1993. https://www.mincultura.gov.co/areas/poblaciones/conmemoraciones/Paginas/Conmemoraci%C3%B3n-Ley-70-de-1993.aspx#:~:text=En%201993%20se%20promulg%C3%B3%20la,propiedad%20colectiva%E2%80%9D%20(Ley%2070%2C 

[48] Humboldt. Territorios colectivos y biodiversidad. http://reporte.humboldt.org.co/biodiversidad/2015/cap4/406/#seccion1 

[49] Organización de Estados Americanos. (2020). “La CIDH presenta ante la Corte Interamericana el caso Pueblo Indígena U´wa respecto de Colombia”. https://www.oas.org/es/cidh/prensa/comunicados/2020/261.asp 

[50]  Instituto Geográfico Agustín Codazzi. (2014). “Tan solo el 0,3 por ciento de todo el territorio colombiano corresponde a áreas urbanas: IGAC”. https://igac.gov.co/es/noticias/tan-solo-el-03-por-ciento-de-todo-el-territorio-colombiano-corresponde-areas-urbanas-igac 

[51] Kate Wheeling. (2019). “How conflict influenced land use in Colombia”. Eos. https://eos.org/articles/how-conflict-influenced-land-use-in-colombia 

[52] Sarah Fecht. (2018). ‘End of Colombia conflict may bring new threats to ecosystems’. State of the Planet. Columbia Climate School. https://news.climate.columbia.edu/2018/09/12/colombia-conflict-ecology-biodiversity/  

[53] International Crisis Group. (2021). A Broken Canopy: Preventing Deforestation and Conflict in Colombia. Latin America Report No. 91. https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/091-colombia-broken-canopy.pdf 

[54] Ibidem.

[55] Paulo J. Murillo-Sandoval, et. al. (2022). “Rapid loss in landscape connectivity after the peace agreement in the Andes-Amazon region”. Global Ecology and Conservation 38. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2351989422002074

[56] Ibidem.

[57] World Bank. Forest area Colombia. https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/AG.LND.FRST.ZS?locations=CO 

[58] Andrés Etter, et. al. (2006). ‘Regional patterns of agricultural land use and deforestation in Colombia’. Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment 114. http://www.econ.uiuc.edu/~hrtdmrt2/Teaching/SE_2016_19/Papers/Agriculture/Regional%20patterns%20of%20agricultural%20land%20use%20and%20deforestation%20in%20Colombia.pdf 

[59] International Crisis Group. (2021). A Broken Canopy: Preventing Deforestation and Conflict in Colombia. Latin America Report No. 91. https://d2071andvip0wj.cloudfront.net/091-colombia-broken-canopy.pdf 

[60] Andrés Etter et.al. (2000). ‘Patterns of Landscape Transformation in Colombia, with Emphasis in the Andean Region’. Ambio 29 (7), Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/230787355_Patterns_of_Landscape_Transformation_in_Colombia_with_Emphasis_in_the_Andean_Region 

[61] DANE. Encuesta nacional agropecuaria. Información 2019. https://www.dane.gov.co/index.php/estadisticas-por-tema/agropecuario/encuesta-nacional-agropecuaria-ena#:~:text=El%20total%20del%20uso%20del,hect%C3%A1reas%20(2%2C6%25) 

[62] Aura María Brazo Parra. (2021). Cadenas sostenibles ante un clima cambiante. La ganadería en Colombia. GIZ. https://www.giz.de/de/downloads/GIZ_CIAT_GanaderiaPag_sencillas_web.pdf 

[63] Ibidem.

[64] María Alejandra Arias, et. al. (2013). ‘Agricultural production amidst conflict: the effects of shocks, uncertainty and governance of non-state armed actors.’ https://web.worldbank.org/archive/website01589/WEB/IMAGES/ANDRES-2.PDF 

[65] DANE. Encuesta nacional agropecuaria. Información 2019. https://www.dane.gov.co/index.php/estadisticas-por-tema/agropecuario/encuesta-nacional-agropecuaria-ena#:~:text=El%20total%20del%20uso%20del,hect%C3%A1reas%20(2%2C6%25)

[66] Ministerio de Agricultura. (2021). Cadena Café. Dirección de Cadenas Agrícolas y Forestales. https://sioc.minagricultura.gov.co/Cafe/Documentos/2021-03-31%20Cifras%20Sectoriales.pdf

[67] Cancillería Gobierno de Colombia. (2016). ABC del Acuerdo Final. Cartilla Pedagógica: Acuerdo final para la terminación del conflicto y la construcción de una paz estable y duradera. https://www.cancilleria.gov.co/sites/default/files/cartillaabcdelacuerdofinal2.pdf

[68] Santiago Torrado. (2021). “Colombia reduce los cultivos de coca por tercer año consecutivo”. El País. https://elpais.com/internacional/2021-06-09/colombia-reduce-los-cultivos-de-coca-por-tercer-ano-consecutivo.html  

[69] Efe. (2021). “La producción de cocaína en Colombia y Perú batió records en 2020, según EEUU”. Heraldo. https://www.heraldo.es/noticias/internacional/2021/06/26/la-produccion-de-cocaina-en-colombia-y-peru-batio-records-en-2020-segun-ee-uu-1502345.html#:~:text=En%20menos%20de%205%20a%C3%B1os,llegaba%20a%20las%2044.000%20hect%C3%A1reas. 

[70] Naciones Unidas. (2017). “Aumentan los cultivos de coca en Colombia en 2016”. Noticias ONU. https://news.un.org/es/story/2017/07/1382751 

[71] El Espectador. (2022). “Palma de aceite: pilar económico y social de las regiones y el país”. https://www.elespectador.com/contenido-patrocinado/palma-de-aceite-pilar-economico-y-social-de-las-regiones-y-el-pais/ 

[72] Álvaro Germán Torres Mora. (2020). “Acumulación primitiva y acaparamiento de tierras en Colombia. Dinámicas del desarrollo”. Papel Político, vol. 25. https://revistas.javeriana.edu.co/index.php/papelpol/article/view/24686 

[73] Ibidem.

[74] Camilo Rey Sabogal. (2013). “Análisis especial de la correlación entre cultivo de palma de aceite y desplazamiento forzado en Colombia”. Cuadernos de Economía 32(1).  

[75] Bancolombia. (2021). “Agro colombiano: un atractivo para la inversión extranjera”. https://www.bancolombia.com/negocios/actualizate/sostenibilidad/agro-colombiano-un-atractivo-para-la-inversion-extranjera#:~:text=Inversi%C3%B3n%20extranjera%20en%20el%20agro%20colombiano,-Productos%20ex%C3%B3ticos%20como&text=Seg%C3%BAn%20cifras%20del%20Banco%20de,la%20cifra%20alcanzada%20en%202018. 

[76] Ibidem.

[77] Procolombia. (2021). “Crece inversión extranjera en el sector agropecuario en Colombia”. https://procolombia.co/noticias/crece-inversion-extranjera-en-el-sector-agropecuario-en-colombia 

[78] Bancolombia. (2021). “Agro colombiano: un atractivo para la inversión extranjera”. https://www.bancolombia.com/negocios/actualizate/sostenibilidad/agro-colombiano-un-atractivo-para-la-inversion-extranjera#:~:text=Inversi%C3%B3n%20extranjera%20en%20el%20agro%20colombiano,-Productos%20ex%C3%B3ticos%20como&text=Seg%C3%BAn%20cifras%20del%20Banco%20de,la%20cifra%20alcanzada%20en%202018

[79] Kevin Steven Bohórquez. (2022). “Inversión de la industria minera en 2021 llegó a US 131 millones, la más alta en seis años”. Forbes. https://forbes.co/2022/02/04/actualidad/inversion-de-la-industria-minera-en-2021-llego-a-us131-millones-la-mas-alta-en-seis-anos/#:~:text=Actualidad-,Inversi%C3%B3n%20de%20la%20industria%20minera%20en%202021%20lleg%C3%B3%20a%20US,billones%20en%20regal%C3%ADas%20en%202021. 

[80] Bnamericas. (2021). “Colombia fomenta inversión minera a través de rondas de negocios”. https://www.bnamericas.com/es/noticias/colombia-fomenta-inversion-minera-a-traves-de-rondas-de-negocios 

[81] Congreso de Colombia. (2001). Ley 685. https://www.acnur.org/fileadmin/Documentos/BDL/2008/6513.pdf  

[82] Catalina Roldán Pérez y Carlos Alberto Zarate Yepes. (2021). “Minería y comunidades étnicas en Colombia”. Advocatus, No. 36. 

[83] Agencia Prensa Rural. (2010). “Oro en Colombia, despojo y guerra contra los pueblos”. https://prensarural.org/spip/spip.php?article4448 

[84] Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística (DANE). (2020). Mujeres rurales en Colombia. Gobierno de Colombia. https://www.dane.gov.co/files/investigaciones/notas-estadisticas/sep-2020-%20mujeres-rurales.pdf 

[85] Ley 984. (2005). https://www.minsalud.gov.co/sites/rid/Lists/BibliotecaDigital/RIDE/INEC/IGUB/ley-984-2005.pdf 

[86] Ley 731. (2022). https://www.mincit.gov.co/getattachment/dff2f972-dae8-4c9a-a617-b43a1b0ea3f0/Ley-731-de-2002-Por-la-cual-se-dictan-normas-para.aspx 

[87] Ley 1900. (2018). https://dapre.presidencia.gov.co/normativa/normativa/LEY%201900%20DEL%2018%20DE%20JUNIO%20DE%202018.pdf 

[88] Carmen Miguel y Normal Villarreal. (2020). Guía para mujeres rurales en el acceso a la justicia y a la tierra. Asistencia técnica para el fortalecimiento del acceso a la justicia para las mujeres en materia de derechos y conflictos referidos al uso y tenencia de la tierra en el marco de la Reforma Rural Integral contenida en el Acuerdo de Paz de Colombia. Herramientas Eurosocial No. 49. EUROsociAL. https://eurosocial.eu/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/HERRAMIENTA_49-Guia-para-mujeres-rurales.pdf

[89] Ibidem.

[90] Carmen Miguel y Normal Villarreal. (2020). Guía para mujeres rurales en el acceso a la justicia y a la tierra. Asistencia técnica para el fortalecimiento del acceso a la justicia para las mujeres en materia de derechos y conflictos referidos al uso y tenencia de la tierra en el marco de la Reforma Rural Integral contenida en el Acuerdo de Paz de Colombia. Herramientas Eurosocial No. 49. EUROsociAL. https://eurosocial.eu/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/HERRAMIENTA_49-Guia-para-mujeres-rurales.pdf 

[91] Fedesarrollo. (2015). Barreras de acceso de la mujer rural al crédito, programas asociativos y a la formalización de la tierra en el norte del Cauca y el sur de Tolima. Documento resumen. USAID. https://www.repository.fedesarrollo.org.co/handle/11445/2725  

[92] Consejería Presidencial para la Equidad de la Mujer. (2021). “Gobierno lanza estrategia ‘Mis Finanzas Cuentan’, en apoyo a las mujeres rurales”. http://www.equidadmujer.gov.co/prensa/2021/Paginas/Gobierno-lanza-estrategia-Mis-Finanzas-Cuentan-en-apoyo-a-las-mujeres-rurales.aspx 

[93] Ministerio de Agricultura. (2021). “Gobierno reglamentó el Fondo de Fomento para las Mujeres Rurales, para fortalecer apoyo a planes, programas y proyectos que impulsen desarrollo”. https://www.minagricultura.gov.co/noticias/Paginas/Gobierno-reglament%C3%B3-el-Fondo-de-Fomento-para-las-Mujeres-Rurales,-para-fortalecer-apoyo-a-planes,-programas-y-proyectos-que.aspx 

[94] Comisión de la Verdad. https://www.comisiondelaverdad.co/hay-futuro-si-hay-verdad