DESPOJANDO PARA ALIMENTAR AL GIGANTE:CHINA Y EL AGRONEGOCIO EN CHILE
Alexander Panez Pinto *

La Paz, Bolivia
31 de agosto de 2017
Llegamos al número 200 ¡Gracias mil!
Oscar Bazoberry Chali Carmen Beatriz Ruiz
 
Transcurría julio del 2008 y el IPDRS era solamente una idea, pero, aunque jurídicamente aún no existía, ya se habían definido algunas de sus líneas de acción, entre ellas, contribuir a la reflexión y el debate sobre el desarrollo rural en Sudamérica a través de un formato de artículos cortos y ágiles que bautizamos como Diálogos.

From forced eviction to loss of livelihood, social status, savings and even life, land corruption in Africa has serious and far-reaching consequences. Such corruption comes in many forms, and it must be understood – along with the factors that enable it – before it can be tackled.

For people around the world, land is more than a commodity to be bought and sold, de

This publication discusses the relevance to land and agriculture of the United Nations Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGP BHR), and provides an overview of the state of the UNGP BHR’s implementation in Bangladesh, Cambodia, India, Indonesia, Nepal, and the Philippines. While significant efforts were undertaken by human rights institutions and CSOs to promote UNGP BHR, this book outlines areas of action at country and regional levels to mainstream UNGP BHR.

mproving land governance is key in assuring that land resources can be enjoyed by all parts of the population. Donors can play an important role in combatting corruption in land administration and building a well-functioning land administration by both supporting domestic government efforts as well as engaging in international and multi-country initiatives. However, donors are advised by experts and civil society organisations to be mindful of the possible impact of their interventions on issues of land grabbing and forced relocations.

The investigative series Indonesia for Sale, co-published by The Gecko Project and Mongabay, exposes the corruption behind Indonesia’s deforestation and land rights crisis.

http://www.thegeckoproject.org

Since ceasefire agreements were signed between the Burmese military government and ethnic political groups in the Burma–China borderlands in the early 1990s, violent waves of counterinsurgency development have replaced warfare to target politically-suspect, resource-rich, ethnic populated borderlands. The Burmese regime allocates land concessions in ceasefire zones as an explicit postwar military strategy to govern land and populations to produce regulated, legible, militarized territory.

This study investigated the implications of large-scale land concessions in the Red River Delta, Vietnam, and Northeast Cambodia with regard to urban and agricultural frontiers, agrarian transitions, migration, and places from which the migrant workers originated.

Increasing global demand for natural rubber began in the mid-2000s and led to large-scale expansion of plantations in Laos until rubber latex prices declined greatly beginning in 2011. The expansion of rubber did not, however, occur uniformly across the country. While the north and central Laos experienced mostly local and smallholder plantations, rubber expansion in the south was dominated by transnational companies from Vietnam, China and Thailand through large-scale land concessions, often causing conflicts with local communities.

Recently, we witnessed an immense increase in international land transactions in the Global South, a phenomenon slowly expanding in northern industrialized countries, too. Even though in Europe agriculture plays a decreasing economic role for rural livelihoods, the increases in land transactions by non-local, non-agricultural investors pervades rural life. Nevertheless, the underlying processes are not yet well understood. Large-scale land acquisitions describe such purchases and leases in a neutral way, while ‘land grabbing’ expresses negative consequences for rural people.

Cambodia has become a principal target of transnational (and domestic) land grabs over the past decade, mostly in the form of economic land concessions (ELCs). The northeastern part of the country—where the majority of Cambodia’s indigenous people reside—is a particular hotspot. In this article, we discuss three policy mechanisms that the Cambodian government has employed to extend and legitimize land exclusions in the name of national economic development through the example of two indigenous villages in Srae Preah Commune, Mondulkiri Province.