Refugees International Advocate Veronika Martin and human rights lawyer Betsy Apple recently completed an assessment mission to the Thai-Burmese border.
In January 2002 it appeared that the SPDC considered most of Dooplaya district of southern Karen State to be pacified and under their control. But then Light Infantry Division 88 was sent in and commenced Operation Than L'Yet, forcibly relocating as many as 60 villages by July. Villagers were rounded up and detained without food for days, or force-marched to Army-controlled relocation sites after their houses were burned. Village heads, women and children were tortured.
The situation of Internally Displaced People (IDP?s), in Burma remained critical throughout 2001. The US State Department
estimates that there could be up to1 million members of ethnic minority groups who the SPDC has forcibly relocated from their
villages and districts, and who are currently living along the Thai border. Reports from NGOs also estimate that an additional 1
million IDP?s are living a precarious existance in other locations throughout the country...
Perhaps one million people living in the States and Divisions of Burma adjacent to the Thailand border have been displaced since 1996. At least 150,000 have fled as refugees or joined the huge “illegal” migrant population in Thailand.[2] Countless others have moved away to other villages and towns in Burma.
Este artigo junta-se aos esforços de muitos outros africanos, entendendo-se por pobreza não só os níveis de rendimento por dia por pessoa, mas também a pobreza como ausência de poder nas relações intra-familiares, entre estas e os demais actores e entre a sociedade no seu todo e os recursos naturais de que se dispõe no Continente Africano.
Beginning 1999 up to March this year (2002), hundreds of thousands of Wa people, who had
impressed British travelers as 'exceedingly well-behaved, industrious, and estimable race', were
forcibly moved to border areas adjacent Thailand. The report is about them, why and how they were
uprooted, what happened to the native people where the Wa were forced to resettle and what the
reader can do to help both categories of victims..."
Important, timely and well-produced
document, complete with maps and photos.
This paper does not presume to offer definitive answers to complex questions raised around the new emphasis on “local communities” in Mozambique. Such answers vary and depend upon the socio political histories of each community. Instead, the paper briefly explores the concept of local community in the lexicon of Mozambican law as well as NGO and donor discourse.
From Cambodia to Kosovo, and now East Timor, the United Nations has undertaken broad governmental functions in an effort to ensure that peace is maintained after the departure of the peacekeepers. On its face, these “peace-building” missions have a powerful logic. Brokering a peace, but leaving behind a vacuum in institutional capacity, only encourages the return of conflict after the peacekeepers leave. Providing urgent humanitarian relief, but failing to integrate it with development aid, ignores the way that development assists in preventing future humanitarian crises.
The report describes the relationships and linkages between the Magadi Soda Company and four group ranches including Olkiramatian. Discussions and planning is carried out to develop mutually beneficial rural development and land use planning.
O MOVIMENTO DOS Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra, também conhecido como Movimento dos Sem Terra ou MST, é fruto de uma questão agrária que é estrutural e histórica no Brasil. Nasceu da articulação das lutas pela terra, que foram retomadas a partir do final da década de 70, especialmente na região Centro-Sul do país e, aos poucos, expandiu-se pelo Brasil inteiro. O MST teve sua gestação no período de 1979 a 1984, e foi criado formalmente no Primeiro Encontro Nacional de Trabalhadores Sem Terra, que se realizou de 21 a 24 de janeiro de 1984, em Cascavel, no estado do Paraná.
Situation to end 2001