Guinea - Context and Land Governance

Village in Guinea

Agriculture and mining account for a considerable share of the economy (respectively 23.6% and 16% of GDP in 2020)² and are important providers of employment for the Guinean population. Land tenure issues, closely linked to natural resources, are thus a major challenge for economic and social development in Guinea. However, various factors contribute to weakening community land access in urban and rural areas. In particular, existing land policies and regulations, which are outdated, poorly harmonized and unenforced, do not adequately protect the customary rights of local populations. A lack of transparency and weak resource governance by the Guinean state compound these legal shortcomings. 

Village in Guinea, photography by Jurgen (CC BY 2.0) Industrial agriculture, mining and dam construction projects promoted by the government are also increasing pressures on and commodification of rural land.³ These projects compete with traditional land uses that require a lot of space, including slash-and-burn agriculture and extensive pastoralism.⁴ Despite its abundant natural resources and agricultural potential, Guinea remains one of the poorest countries in the world.

Historical backdrop

Colonial period: Despite numerous land abuses and legalized usurpations, the distinction between the public and private domains was well defined in colonial times. As early as 1901, the French administration attempted to formalize private property in Guinea, decreeing that all unregistered land belonged to the State. In 1955, however, the colonial administration restricted state property to land registered in its name. Although all Guineans were eligible to register their concession with the cadastre (provisionally and eventually permanently), most applicants were Europeans, urban Africans, or local political elites with knowledge of the law. The indigenous people who acquired private property and established plantations usually belonged to the dominant families, thus consolidating their economic dominance.⁵

Independence period: After the country declared its independence from France in 1958, property rights obtained under the colonial administration were challenged. The First Republic (1958-1984) issued Decree 242/PRG of 1959, which established a state monopoly over all land and replaced land titles with administrative decrees.⁶ The one-party regime committed various land spoliations that few Guineans dared to criticize at the time because of its repressive nature. In particular, the state reclaimed land that belonged to the elites and canton chiefs, who were considered allies of the former colonial administration against the Guinean socialist cultural revolution. The land collectivization policies of Guinea’s first president, Ahmed Sékou Touré, led to a decline in agricultural production and prompted many young people to leave the country. 

Land reform period: Following the death of Sékou Touré in 1984, Colonel Lansana Conté came to power in a coup d’Etat. From 1985 onwards, the state implemented structural adjustment policies driven by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB). Focusing on agriculture and urban development, these economic liberalization policies resulted in the adoption of a Land and State Property Code (Code foncier et domanial) in 1992. This law repealed the 1959 decree and re-established access to individual property for individuals and legal entities, while maintaining the presumption of State ownership of vacant and unowned land. This reform also creates land commissions in each prefecture of Guinea.⁷ From the 1990s onwards, the conflicts in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Côte d’Ivoire led to the massive return of Guineans who had settled there and the arrival of foreign refugees. The influx of people, combined with rising world coffee prices and economic liberalization policies, led to a vigorous demand for land.⁸ 

Following Lansana Conté’s death in December 2008, Captain Moussa Dadis Camara proclaimed himself President of the Republic of Guinea. Although President Camara denounced the corruption of the previous regime, the management of natural resources remained lax. For example, the then Minister of Mines and Geology was sentenced to seven years in prison for receiving $8.5 million in bribes from Chinese mining companies.⁹ 

Alpha Conde won the country's first democratic presidential elections in 2010. In 2011, Guinea adopted a new mining code, the drafting of which had been initiated under the previous regime.¹⁰ In 2012, the government, assisted by its technical and financial partners, also launched a process of reflection to reform the legal framework for land tenure.¹¹

^{Green hills near Mamou Sithe in Guinea, photography by jbdodane (CC BY-NC 2.0)}

In October 2020, Alpha Conde won the presidential election, but was overthrown on September 5, 2021 by the Special Forces Group (Groupement des forces spéciales, GFS). The country is currently ruled by a National Transitional Council. Despite the coup d'etat, the preparatory process for the Estates General on Land continues. The aim of these Estates General is to resolve various problems, including land speculation, conflicts over land ownership, the multiplicity of actors involved in land management, the inconsistency of legal texts and the lack of recognition of legitimate land rights.¹²

Land legislation and regulations

More than thirty years after its adoption, the Land Tenure and Property Code is still the main legislative instrument governing land management in Guinea. This law was essentially designed to address urban specificities: only Article 92 addresses the issue of rural land tenure, albeit in a very vague manner. The imprecise nature of the Code led the government to adopt the Declaration of Land Policy in Rural Areas in 2001 to facilitate the recognition of local land rights.¹³ However, this policy was not accompanied by implementation measures. The process of revising the land laws, which began in 2012, has still not been completed 10 years after its launch. 

The mining sector is governed by Law No. 2011-06 of 9 September 2011 on the Mining Code of the Republic of Guinea, amended by Law No. 2013-53 of 8 April 2013. The 2011 code introduces new measures, including increased revenues to the state, greater transparency in the processes of granting mining titles, and a more clearly articulated requirement to conduct environmental and social impact assessments. However, mining companies managed to convince the Guinean government to amend the Mining Code in 2013 to reduce the level of tax they had to pay.¹⁴

Land tenure classifications

Land in Guinea is divided into 1) the domain of the state and local authorities and 2) private property.

 The domain of the State and local authorities is, in turn, composed of a public domain and a private domain. The public domain includes movable and immovable assets, both natural and man-made, intended for use by the entire Guinean population, such as classified forest estates or transport infrastructure. State property not belonging to the public domain is included in the private domain of the State and registered in its name in the cadastre.¹⁵ So-called vacant and masterless property, i.e., unoccupied land, also belongs to the State. They are administered by prefects in rural communities and by mayors in urban communes. 

As the State's public and private domains are poorly mapped, public land is often sold by prefects or neighbourhood chiefs. To recover this land, the State frequently organizes campaigns to evict occupants of public land without compensation or reclassification.¹⁶ These eviction operations are currently continuing under the Transitional Council.¹⁷ Most of the land in the State's private domain was obtained by simple decree or order and without a title deed issued by the State Property Department. 

Besides the State, individuals may be private owners if they comply with the legal land acquisition procedures set out in the 1992 Land and State Property Code, which also recognizes other administrative documents and acts issued under previous legislation. Individuals who can demonstrate "peaceful, personal, continuous and bona fide occupation of a real asset" are also considered owners. For landowners, however, registration of their property in the Land Plan and the cadastre is the main mechanisms to formalize land ownership, giving it full legal value. However, this procedure remains seldom used, given its high costs and bureaucratic complexity.¹⁸ Only 2.5-3% of landowners have a land title.¹⁹ Therefore, the majority of customary land rights in Guinea do not enjoy legal protection.

Land use trends

The main land tenure trends in Guinea concern the decrease in forest cover and grazing land, as well as the expansion of real estate, mining and farming areas. 

In 2020, Guinea's forests represented 25% of the total land area, or 6,189,000 hectares.²⁰ Dense forests have been particularly affected by deforestation, recording a 33% loss between 1975 and 2013. Forests in the natural region of Forested Guinea (Guinée forestière) now take the form of isolated patches on mountain tops and corridors along watercourses (with the exception of the classified forests of Ziama and Diécké, together covering 170,000 hectares). The areas occupied by open forests and gallery forests have remained relatively stable over the past 38 years, with decreases of only 0.5 and 2.7 percent, respectively. Although their surface area has also diminished since 1975, savannahs continued to cover 54% of the territory in 2013. 

Forest and savannah loss is partly due to population growth. Demographic pressure has led to "uncontrolled wood cutting for local consumption" and the cultivation of new land. Between 1975 and 2013, farmland doubled in size, particularly in the plains of the Niger basin, where irrigated production has developed strongly.²¹ From the second half of the 1980s, plantation crops such as coffee, rubber and palm oil also expanded in Forested Guinea.²² Despite rapid agricultural development, it is estimated that only 25% of Guinea’s 6.2 million hectares of arable land available is farmed, while land cultivated annually represents 10%.²³ The extractive industry is also increasingly space-consuming in Guinea. The extraction of bauxite, an ore needed to manufacture aluminium, is on the rise since 2014.²⁴ In 2020, Guinea was the world's second-largest producer of bauxite and has the largest reserves in the world (25%).²⁵ Most of the production (80%) is located in the Boké region in the north of the country. Guinea also has abundant diamond and gold deposits, most of which are mined artisanally.²⁶ Finally, Guinea has significant reserves of iron, manganese, zinc, cobalt, nickel and uranium, which are, however, mostly under-exploited.

 In addition, Guinea is planning to build several dams (Kaleta, Souapiti, Fomi, Amaria and Koukoutamba) to develop its hydroelectric potential.²⁷ These dams require the flooding of vast areas to create water reservoirs, resulting in the loss of living environments. For example, the Souapiti dam alone is expected to lead to the displacement of 16,000 people living in 101 villages and hamlets. The Guinean government had already relocated 51 villages by the end of 2019. The inhabitants forced to leave their homes and fields find themselves in a situation of insecurity as they were settled on spaces ceded by other villages without obtaining land titles.²⁸

Investments and land acquisitions

Since the 2000s, several investors have acquired land in Guinea for the production of biofuel and food crops, covering large areas of up to 700,000 hectares. However, most of the advertised projects have either not started or have been cancelled. Among the projects that have begun, the expected results do not appear to have been achieved.²⁹ Despite these difficulties, the Transitional Council currently governing the country is inviting the private sector to invest in agriculture. Indeed, it recently announced that it was granting the Ugandan company Alam Group a 40-year-long emphyteutic lease on 17,500 hectares.³⁰ 

Unlike other countries, over 80% of the palm oil produced in Guinea comes from natural stands scattered throughout the country and exploited in an artisanal manner. Apart from a few family plantations, the Guinean Oil Palm and Rubber Company (Société guinéenne de palm à huile et d'hévéas, Soguipah) is the only major industrial group in operation.³¹ The company, created by presidential order, began cultivation in 1988 in Forested Guinea.³² The French subsidiary of Socfin, a Swiss conglomerate, managed Soguipah's activities until 2022.³³ It currently farms 6,083 hectares of rubber plantations and 2,838 hectares of palm trees.³⁴ 

The neighbouring communities feel they have been unfairly dispossessed by Soguipah. They accuse the company of occupying 1,800 hectares of their farmland without their consent and of destroying their rice fields. A presidential decree dated 3 February 2003 formalized their expropriation of the site, after which Soguipah called in the army to remove the people who refused to leave their fields. The latter filed a complaint against the Guinean state at the ECOWAS Court of Justice. However, the Court dismissed the case because the plaintiffs did not hold titles to the disputed land,³⁵ illustrating the difficulties associated with the non-recognition of customary rights in Guinea. 

Although Guinea's abundant deposits are not fully exploited, the mines already in operation have a strong impact on the landscape. Bauxite production takes place in open-pit mines, where the layer of Arabic soil is removed to extract the ore near the surface. Such a process strips the soil of its nutrients, leaving it barren and improper for farming.³⁶

Community land rights

Customary land rights in Guinea derive from the founder of a village who, upon arrival, made a pact with the local genies. As such, the founder has the right to administer the entire village territory, a right that is passed on to his descendants via the eldest of the lineage. To enable the village to expand, the founding lineage grants administration and use rights to outsiders over cultivated areas, on a permanent or annual basis.

 Under the customary system, all members of the community can hunt or gather forest products on uncultivated land. However, only landowners may harvest the fruits of naturally grown palm trees on their parcel. Once farmers cease to cultivate their plots, the palm trees are returned to the village community, which can access them.³⁷ 

Although lineages continue to control a large portion of the land, various factors contribute to eroding customary land rights. In the Fouta-Djalon, land fragmentation, sales and concentration began in the early years of the 20th century, thereby increasing social inequalities.³⁸ In Forested Guinea, processes of land individualization have also been noted since the post-Second World War period in rice cultivation, due to the investments needed for the development of paddy fields. More recently, the rise of the plantation economy has changed the way people access land. Plantations occupy areas where groundnuts and rainfed rice were grown under short-term use rights. However, plantations require long-term, ideally unlimited, development and access.³⁹ Nevertheless, the individualization of land administration rights does not have only negative consequences, as it allows young men to access land more easily without depending on their elders.⁴⁰ 

The Mining Code recognizes in principle the validity of ancestral land rights. Article 124 of this law provides that holders of mining titles must pay compensation to the "legitimate occupants of the land" to compensate them for "disturbance of quiet enjoyment" incurred by the latter.⁴¹ In practice, however, the populations are often expropriated from their land for mining activities without receiving adequate compensation.⁴² In addition, mining companies regularly leave mined sites without rehabilitating them as required by law, leaving gaping holes that make the land unsuitable for agriculture and livestock farming.⁴³

Women's land rights

Generally speaking, Guinean society is structured along patrilineal lines, with land being passed down to men. Women have little access to land due to the persistence of traditional norms, lack of awareness of their rights, weak implementation of laws and insufficient economic means to practice agriculture. Women are thus mostly excluded from owning, inheriting and managing land. They have only revocable use rights over family land, which places them in a situation of vulnerability.⁴⁴ 

It is interesting to note, however, that in Kpelle society in Forested Guinea in the south of the country, the husband sometimes moves into his wife's family. When the wife has not integrated her husband's lineage, the maternal grandfather or uncle transfers the lineage’s land rights to the children born of these unions. This type of union is more common when young men have difficulty accessing land. Moreover, with the individualization of land administration rights, land no longer goes to the eldest son on the death of the father, but is divided equally between his co-wives when the union is polygamous. This change in practice allows younger women to continue cultivating their land while their children grow up.⁴⁵ Finally, in urban areas, many women own land even if they informally hide behind their husbands for religious reasons.

 With regard to formal rights, less than 15% of land registered in the name of individuals belongs to Guinean women, either individually or collectively. The majority of women with land titles are found in the country's capital.⁴⁶ Given that the rate of land registration is already very low (less than 3% for all gender categories), the proportion of women with access to land titles is, therefore, virtually nil.

^{Field cultivated by women in Guinea, photography by Romain Vidal (CC BY-NC 2.0)}

However, the laws protect women's land rights to some extent, or at least do not introduce gender-based limitations. Thus, according to Article 19 of the Land and State Property Code, "A married woman may lease the immovable property belonging to her without the consent or authorization of her husband."⁴⁷ Article 16 of the Guinean Constitution of 2020 also provides that, "Everyone has the right to property."⁴⁸ The Civil Code adopted in 2019, in its article 828, mentions property without gender restrictions.⁴⁹ The Civil Code similarly recognizes the rights of a married woman to inherit her deceased husband’s property.⁵⁰ 

Urban tenure issues

The Land and State Property Code, as well as the Urban Planning Code adopted in 1998, apply to urban areas. Guinea also has various land use and development plans at the national, regional and city levels, including for the capital, Conakry. However, in Guinea's cities as a whole, housing demand is growing faster than land subdivision (lotissement) and infrastructure construction by the state, resulting in disorganized spatial expansion.⁵¹ 

This situation is particularly pronounced in Conakry, even though the population has not grown at the anticipated rate. While the scenarios developed in 1988 predicted that the population would range between 2.4 and 3 million in 2010, it was in fact only 1.8 million in 2016. Nevertheless, the city has continued to expand in a rather haphazard fashion, with no real control over land sprawl. The state allows individuals to build anarchically, without any support and oversight. In Conakry, informal settlements are characterized by low-density patterns of land use, with a marked decline in vegetation cover.⁵²

^{Conakry, photography by Claude Robillard with modifications (CC BY-NC 2.0)}

As in rural areas, land titles remain the exception in cities. Only 25,000 land titles have been issued in Conakry.⁵³ Land transactions in urban areas largely take place outside the legal framework. Most of the time, land buyers only have their purchase certified by the neighbourhood delegate or the customary chief. As a result, the majority of occupants receive no compensation in the event of eviction.⁵⁴ However, expropriation operations for public utility purposes are frequently carried out by the State for the construction of administrative buildings or urban development⁵⁵

 Land in peri-urban areas close to main roads is also coveted for plantation development. Although customary authorities are consulted to validate and enforce these contracts, land sales mark a change in local law, which previously did not allow land alienations for commercial purposes. The demand for land also leads some elders to squander their lineage's land patrimony to pocket the profits from the sale or to appropriate land that was part of the village domain.⁵⁶ Land sales cause many family conflicts, especially between half-brothers of polygamous unions.⁵⁷

Land governance innovations

As in Forested Guinea, socio-economic developments, particularly with the establishment of agricultural producer groups and the technical support of many partners, have benefited the women of Fouta-Djalon and the descendants of slaves in this region. Indeed, due to Fulani men’s migratory patterns and prolonged absence from their village, women have acquired a certain independence in carrying out their agricultural activities. In addition to cultivating the hut fields for which they are responsible, women have become involved in lowland farming since the late 1980s. Lowlands are areas previously considered inferior and only cultivated by the descendants of captives. Lowland farming takes place in the off-season and therefore does not compete with subsistence farming, allowing women to market their market garden produce and gain financial independence.⁵⁸

Timeline – milestones in land governance

1959: Decree 242/PRG breaks with the colonial laws on private property and establishes the State as the sole owner of the land. 

1992: The country adopts a Land and State Property Code that ends the state's land monopoly and rehabilitates private ownership of land. However, this Code remains ignored by the population and is poorly enforced. 

2001: The Declaration of Land Policy in Rural Areas (DPFMR) is promulgated to remedy the shortcomings of the Land and State Property Code. 2011: Guinea adopts a new mining code to increase state revenues. 

2012: The country launches a process to reform land laws. 

2013 : The Mining Code is amended under pressure from mining companies.

 2021-2022 : The National Transitional Council continues the process of reflection to reform land tenure.

Where to go next?

The author's suggestions for further reading For a refined anthropological analysis of how young men’s greater access to land results in their socio-economic empowerment, I recommend this report by Charline Rangé. She discusses how land management in Forested Guinea depends on the structuring of intergenerational and matrimonial ties.

 On a more interactive note, this Human Rights Watch webpage illustrates how the mining boom is affecting human rights in Guinea. The site features videos, photographs, maps and analysis explaining how mining activities encroach on agricultural fields, create health problems and impede access to water. It is a complement to the report cited above.

References

[1]Comité Permanent Inter-états de Lutte contre la Sécheresse dans le Sahel (CILSS). 2016. Les Paysages de l'Afrique de l'Ouest : Une Fenêtre sur un Monde en Pleine Évolution. Garretson: U.S. Geological Survey EROS. URL: https://landportal.org/node/101581.

[2]https://donnees.banquemondiale.org/indicateur/NV.AGR.TOTL.ZS?locations=GN. Initiative pour la transparence dans les industries extractives en Guinée. Rapport Assoupli 2019-2020. URL: https://www.itie-guinee.org/rapport-assoupli-exercices-2019-2020/.">

[3]Diallo, Mamadou Alpha Mariam, Dakala Grovogui, et Moussa Soumaoro. 2021. Réformes foncières en Guinée : défis et perspectives pour la reconnaissance des droits légitimes. Londres, Royaume-Uni: Institut International pour l’Environnement et le Développement (IIED). URL : https://landportal.org/node/102041.

[4]Kamano, Augustin Benoît et Justine Mounet. 2013. Production d’agrocarburants et accaparements de terres en Guinée : conséquences de la politique énergétique de l’UE. CFSI, SOS Faim, COPAGEN. URL : https://landportal.org/node/14137.

[5]Goerg, Odile. 1985. « Conakry: un modèle de ville coloniale française? Règlements fonciers et urbanisme, de 1885 aux années 1920 ». Cahiers d'Études Africaines no. 25 (99):309-335. URL : https://landportal.org/library/resources/conakry-un-mod%C3%A8le-de-ville-coloniale-fran%C3%A7aise-r%C3%A8glements-fonciers-et-urbanisme-de Rivière, Claude. 1973. « Dynamique des systèmes fonciers et inégalités sociales : le cas guinéen ». Cahiers Internationaux de Sociologie no. 54:61-94.

[6]Barry, Alpha Amadou, et Kader Fanta Ngom. 2015. Appui à l’organisation des Etats Généraux sur le Foncier et réalisation du Cadre d’Analyse de la Gouvernance Foncière (CAGF) en Guinée (Conakry). Rapport Final. Banque Mondiale. URL : https://landportal.org/library/resources/appui-%C3%A0-l%E2%80%99organisation-des-etats-g%C3%A9n%C3%A9raux-sur-le-foncier-et-r%C3%A9alisation-du-cadre-d.

[7]Diop, Moustapha. 2017. Réformes foncières et gestion des ressources naturelles en Guinée : enjeux de patrimonialité et de propriété dans le Timbi au Fouta Djalon. Paris: Karthala. URL : https://landportal.org/library/resources/9782845868564/r%C3%A9formes-fonci%C3%A8res-et-gestion-des-ressources-naturelles-en-guin%C3%A9e.

[8]Benkalha, Amel, Bella Diallo, Ibrahima Diawara, Iba Mar Faye, Peter Hochet et Pascal Rey. 2016. Étude sur la situation et les enjeux du foncier rural en Guinée. Rapport d’état des lieux. Insuco. URL: https://landportal.org/node/102050. Rangé, Charline. 2019. Compétition foncière et autonomisation des jeunes ruraux. Le cas d’une économie de plantation en Guinée forestière (pays kpelle). Comité technique « Foncier & développement ». URL: https://landportal.org/node/102043.

[9]Wormington, Jim. 2021. « Après le coup d’État, quel est l’avenir du secteur minier en Guinée? » Human Rights Watch, 11 octobre. URL : https://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2021/10/11/apres-le-coup-detat-quel-est-lavenir-du-secteur-minier-en-guinee."> U.S. Department of Justice. 2017. Former Guinean Minister of Mines Sentenced to Seven Years in Prison for Receiving and Laundering $8.5 Million in Bribes From China International Fund and China Sonangol, August 25. URL : https://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/former-guinean-minister-mines-sentenced-seven-years-prison-receiving-and-laundering-85">

[10]Human Rights Watch. 2018. « Quels bénéfices en tirons-nous ? » Impact de l’exploitation de la bauxite sur les droits humains en Guinée. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/%C2%AB-quels-be%CC%81ne%CC%81fices-en-tirons-nous-%C2%BB.

[11]Benkalha, Amel, Bella Diallo, Ibrahima Diawara, Iba Mar Faye, Peter Hochet et Pascal Rey. 2016. Étude sur la situation et les enjeux du foncier rural en Guinée. Rapport d’état des lieux. Insuco. URL: https://landportal.org/node/102050.

[12]Ministère de l’urbanisme, de l’habitat et de l’aménagement du territoire. 2022. Vers les États Généraux du Foncier pour une bonne gouvernance foncière en République de Guinée. URL : https://habitatguinee.org/vers-les-etats-generaux-du-foncier-pour-une-bonne-gouvernance-fonciere-en-republique-de-guinee/.

[13]Barry, Alpha Amadou, et Kader Fanta Ngom. 2015. Appui à l’organisation des Etats Généraux sur le Foncier et réalisation du Cadre d’Analyse de la Gouvernance Foncière (CAGF) en Guinée (Conakry). Rapport Final. Banque Mondiale. URL : https://landportal.org/library/resources/appui-%C3%A0-l%E2%80%99organisation-des-etats-g%C3%A9n%C3%A9raux-sur-le-foncier-et-r%C3%A9alisation-du-cadre-d.

[14]Human Rights Watch. 2018. « Quels bénéfices en tirons-nous ? » Impact de l’exploitation de la bauxite sur les droits humains en Guinée. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/%C2%AB-quels-be%CC%81ne%CC%81fices-en-tirons-nous-%C2%BB.

[15]République de Guinée. Ordonnance 0/92/019 du 30 mars 1992 portant Code foncier et domanial. URL : https://landportal.org/library/resources/lex-faoc005569/ordonnance-092019-portant-code-foncier-et-domanial.

[16]Barry, Alpha Amadou, et Kader Fanta Ngom. 2015. Appui à l’organisation des Etats Généraux sur le Foncier et réalisation du Cadre d’Analyse de la Gouvernance Foncière (CAGF) en Guinée (Conakry). Rapport Final. Banque Mondiale. URL : https://landportal.org/library/resources/appui-%C3%A0-l%E2%80%99organisation-des-etats-g%C3%A9n%C3%A9raux-sur-le-foncier-et-r%C3%A9alisation-du-cadre-d. Rochegude, Alain, et Caroline Plançon. 2009. « Fiche pays Guinée Conakry », Décentralisation, foncier et acteurs locaux. Comité technique « foncier et développement ». URL : https://landportal.org/library/resources/fiche-pays-guin%C3%A9e-conakry.

[17]Condé, Bérété Lancéï. 2022. « Siguiri : démarrage des opérations d’identification et de marquage des domaines de l’Etat ». Guineematin.com, 9 mai. URL : https://landportal.org/node/102587

[18]Diallo, Mamadou Alpha Mariam, Dakala Grovogui, et Moussa Soumaoro. 2021. Réformes foncières en Guinée : défis et perspectives pour la reconnaissance des droits légitimes. Londres, Royaume-Uni: Institut International pour l’Environnement et le Développement (IIED). URL : https://landportal.org/node/102041. Rey, Pascal. 2011. « Droit foncier, quelles perspectives pour la Guinée ? Réflexion sur la réforme foncière à partir de l’exemple de la Guinée Maritime ». Annales de géographie no. 3 (679):298-319. URL: https://landportal.org/node/102100.

[19]Sow, Nassiou. 2019. « Guinée: vers la mise en place d’un Guichet Unique dédié à la délivrance des documents fonciers ». Guinéenews, 19 juin. URL: https://guineenews.org/guinee-vers-la-mise-en-place-dun-guichet-unique-dedie-a-la-delivrance-des-documents-fonciers/.

[20]Diallo, Nantenin. 2020. Évaluation des ressources forestières mondiales. Rapport Guinée. Rome: FAO. URL: https://landportal.org/node/102053.

[21]Comité Permanent Inter-états de Lutte contre la Sécheresse dans le Sahel (CILSS). 2016. Les Paysages de l'Afrique de l'Ouest : Une Fenêtre sur un Monde en Pleine Évolution. Garretson: U.S. Geological Survey EROS. URL: https://landportal.org/node/101581.

[22]Rangé, Charline. 2019. Compétition foncière et autonomisation des jeunes ruraux. Le cas d’une économie de plantation en Guinée forestière (pays kpelle). Comité technique « Foncier & développement ». URL: https://landportal.org/node/102043.

[23]République de Guinée. Guinée : revue des efforts de développement dans le secteur agricole. CEDEAO et PDDAA. URL : https://www.resakss.org/sites/default/files/pdfs//guinee-caadp-brochure-1-revue-des-efforts-de-dvelo-42712.pdf.">

[24]Initiative pour la transparence dans les industries extractives en Guinée. Rapport Assoupli 2019-2020. URL: https://www.itie-guinee.org/rapport-assoupli-exercices-2019-2020/">

[25]https://pubs.usgs.gov/periodicals/mcs2021/mcs2021-bauxite-alumina.pdf

[26]Initiative pour la transparence dans les industries extractives en Guinée. Rapport Assoupli 2019-2020. URL: https://www.itie-guinee.org/rapport-assoupli-exercices-2019-2020/">

[27]Diallo, Mamadou Alpha Mariam, Dakala Grovogui, et Moussa Soumaoro. 2021. Réformes foncières en Guinée : défis et perspectives pour la reconnaissance des droits légitimes. Londres, Royaume-Uni: Institut International pour l’Environnement et le Développement (IIED). URL : https://landportal.org/node/102041.

[28]Human Rights Watch. 2020. « Nous devons tout abandonner » Impact du barrage de Souapiti sur les communautés déplacées en Guinée. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/%C2%ABnous-devons-tout-abandonner-%C2%BB-impact-du-barrage-de-souapiti-sur-les-communaut%C3%A9s.

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