RCDC assigned a task of compiling a report on the functioning of PESA in the state of Odisha based both on secondary analysis and primary survey at field level, to a local consultant organization National Institute for Development Innovation(NIDI) in late 2010. Agreeing with our observation that the report submitted under the same required further improvements and enrichments the consultant made fresh efforts in 2011 and submitted an improved version of the same without any extra charges.

The brief review in the repor concludes of various disturbing aspects of the socio-economic context that prevails in large parts of India today, and that may (and can) contribute to politics such as that of the Naxalite movement or erupt as other forms of violence. It should be recognized that there are different kinds of movements, and that calling and treating them generally as unrest, a disruption of law and order, is little more than a rationale for suppressing them by force.

Ever since the oil, financial and food crises of 2008, sub-Saharan Africa has witnessed a marked increase in large-scale investment in agricultural land. The drivers of this investment are varied and include growing food, water and energy insecurity as well as social and economic interests of investors and recipient countries. The shape of these investments and their eventual outcomes are equally influenced by the existing land and water governance systems in the host countries.

This paper will critically examine the inter relation between land acquisition, development and displacement. In addition, this paper analyses the rights of displaced under Indian and international laws with special reference to recent states different legislation on land acquisition. The present paper also try to consider the impact on land acquisition on displaced people and identifies loopholes in the existing legal framework and propose certain measure for bringing real development in to the life of displaced people.

In Tanzania like in other parts of the global South, in the name of 'development' and 'poverty eradication' vast tracts of land have been earmarked by the government to be developed by investors for different commercial agricultural projects, giving rise to the contested land grab phenomenon. In parallel, Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) has been promoted in the country and globally as the governance framework that seeks to manage water resources in an efficient, equitable and sustainable manner.

This article focuses on how climate change mitigation policies and economic land and mining concessions in Prey Lang, Cambodia, accommodate and facilitate each other physically, discursively and economically. Maps and project descriptions reveal that climate-related policies and extraction coexist in the same landscape, even the same projects. Knowledge co-produced by the authors and affected individuals suggests that climate change mitigation initiatives are not only intimately linked to economic intensification in Prey Lang, but they also contribute to conflict and dispossession.

This paper focuses on one community in Cambodia that won back land from a large land deal by grabbing onto the rupture in property relations initiated by a one-year land titling campaign. I document the struggle between competing legibility and illegibility projects which I examine through two moments, one of the state choosing to see its population and their relations to territory, and another in which the state’s excuses for not recognizing smallholders’ claims began to falter.

In recent years,proponents of 'green and clean fuel' have argued that the costs of overreliance on fossil fuels could be reduced through transition to biofuels such as bio-ethanol. Global biofuel discourses suggest that any transition to biofuel invariably results in significant benefits, including energy independence, job creation, development of agro-industrial centres at local level and high revenue generations for the state with minimum negative impacts on the environment.

In this case, which was  heard before the Constitutional Court of the Republic of South Africa, The Restitution of Land Rights Amendment  Act 15 of 2014  was declared invalid. The Act, among other things, sought to extend the period in which land restitution claims could be  lodged. However, the court found that the Parliament did not sufficiently  consult with key stakeholders including those who had successfully  lodged claims under the previous Act of 1994. 

Landjepik, diefstal van land, gebeurt vaak in Nederland. Een huiseigenaar trekt bewust maar onopgemerkt een strook gemeentegrond bij zijn tuin of verplaatst het hek op het land van zijn buurman. Een boer vergroot bewust zijn akker door een deel van de grond van zijn buurman bij zijn land te ploegen.

Soms bewust en soms onopgemerkt trekt iemand een stuk (gemeente)grond bij zijn tuin, onderhoudt dit jarenlang en behandelt het alsof het van hem is. Landjepik. Na twintig jaar verliest de originele eigenaar zijn eigendom en wordt de ‘dief ’ beloond voor zijn actie. Maar deze wijziging wordt nergens vastgelegd. De notaris kan dit dus niet zien als hij een woning overdraagt. Björn Hoops, promovendus en docent aan de Rijksuniversiteit Groningen, brengt nu in kaart hoe groot dit probleem is.