Moçambique é um país em vias de entrar no complexo mundo dos países produtores de produtos energéticos. Um grande influxo de capitais tornou o país num dos destinos privilegiados do investimento estrangeiro, o que permitiu/facilitou uma gestão especulativa de receitas futuras. Receitas rápidas e avultadas de capitais e aumento das reservas de divisas permitiram políticas fiscais e monetárias expansivas, reforçando o padrão de acumulação sectorial, social e espacialmente concentrado e de realização no exterior.

Este texto aborda as questões locais do impacto dos mega-projectos de mineração sobre o meio rural e agricultura - as condições de vida das pessoas reassentadas, não havendo alguma abrangência para aspectos de natureza macro. A pesquisa analisa o percurso do El Dorado Tete e a evolução das condições de vida da população reassentada em Cateme nos últimos cinco anos. A principal conclusão é de que o El Dorado Tete implodiu e as condições de vida das pessoas reassentadas em Cateme estão em contínua degradação.

O ritmo migratório rural-urbano é frequentemente superior à taxa de crescimento natural dapopulação citadina, em resultado da procura de oportunidades de emprego por parte daspopulações rurais, o que reflecte (e cria novas) pressões sociais e económicas.Ao longo deste texto procura-se compreender os factores que levam as populações de origemrural a migrar para a cidade de Maputo, assim como compreender as dinâmicas de relacionamentodas mesmas, uma vez na cidade, com o seu universo de origem.

As desigualdades de desenvolvimento e suas dinâmicas possuem razões políticas, económicas e sociais de longa duração. Estes factores influenciam os percursos históricos sobre as quais as políticas económicas e os poderes políticos procuram influenciar conjunturalmente sem que, na maioria dos casos, sejam efectivas mudanças fundamentais nas sociedades.
As desigualdades sociais e territoriais têm implicações sobre a estrutura e as dinâmicas do crescimento/desenvolvimento económico, sobre a estabilidade política e social e sobre a sustentabilidade ambiental, entre outros aspectos.

Almost one in seven people around the world are chronically hungry, lacking enough food to be healthy and lead active lives. This is despite the fact that enough food exists for all of the world’s people.1 Agricultural policies, the prices of certain food commodities such as meat and grain and economic development hugely impact food security, but demographic trends also play a role.

In conflict situations, peace settlements and cease-fire agreements may often, end violent conflicts, but do not prevent renewed violence or guarantee a permanent end to conflicts.5 According to the World Bank, chances that renewed conflicts will erupt are high and even higher when control over natural resources is at stake.6 In the past two decades alone, Africa has experienced violent conflicts with successive cease-fire agreements and peaceful settlements, which have often been followed by outbreaks of new conflicts.

Armed conflicts are enemies of food security. There is a well established correlation between the exposure of countries to external or internal conflicts, and the deterioration or long-term stagnation in their food security. Most conflicts, and especially the internal conflicts that have now become the dominant model of mass violence, mainly affect rural areas and their populations.

Continuing population and consumption growth will mean that the global demand for food will increase for at least another 40 years. Growing competition for land, water, and energy, in addition to the overexploitation of fisheries, will affect our ability to produce food, as will the urgent requirement to reduce the impact of the food system on the environment. The effects of climate change are a further threat. But the world can produce more food and can ensure that it is used more efficiently and equitably.

Producing adequate food to meet global demand by 2050 is widely recognized as a major challenge, particularly for Africa south of the Sahara, including Tanzania (Godfray et al. 2010; Alexandratos and Bruinsma 2012; van Ittersum et al. 2016). Increased price volatility of major food crops (Koning et al. 2008; Lagi et al. 2011) and an abrupt surge in land area devoted to crop production in recent years (Grassini et al. 2013) reflect the powerful forces underpinning this challenge.

Property rights to land represent the key institutional asset on which rural people build their livelihoods. In fact, in many countries, landlessness is the best predictor of poverty. The nature of farmers’ property rights to land substantially impacts their willingness and ability to adopt productivity-enhancing inputs and investments.

Conservation covenants have become a popular tool to protect land in perpetuity. Understanding the impact of a covenant on price and enrolment in a conservation programme can help decision makers plan their interventions more carefully, and judge whether the extra longevity justifies the changed participation rate and cost. This paper uses the case study of a conservation auction in Queensland, Australia, to investigate the influence of a compulsory conservation covenant on bid price and participation.