By Marie Gagné, reviewed by Mahamat Abdoulaye Malloum, land governance expert and PhD student at the University of Maroua, Cameroon
This is a translated version of the country profile originally written in French, modified on August 25, 2024
Chad is a historical crossroads between North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa, with a vast territory of 1,284,000 km2 and an estimated population of 16 million in 2020. The main land issues in this predominantly rural country are frequent droughts, the advance of the desert, expansion of agricultural land, uncontrolled urbanization, shrinking forest areas, land grabs by elites and oil exploitation. Chad suffers from both high vulnerability to climate change and limited capacity to adapt to it. These land and environmental vulnerabilities are amplified by weak state institutions and high population growth.
In southern Chad, in non-Islamic societies, the land has a sacred character: it belongs to the spirits linked to a creator God. Each ethnic group organizes itself on a well-defined space. A covenant is then concluded between the deities of the land on which it is settled and a priest (chief of the land) is appointed to watch over the good relations between these two worlds.
Two friends sit in the shade during a cool afternoon -Chad, License CC BY-NC-ND 2.0
A historical crossroads between North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa, Chad has a vast territory of 1,284,000 km2 with an estimated population of 16 million in 2020.1 Chad is the largest landlocked country in Africa, with the nearest port located 1,705 km away.2 The main land issues in this predominantly rural country are frequent droughts, the advance of desert, expansion of agricultural land, uncontrolled urbanization, shrinking forest areas, land grabs by elites and oil exploitation. The country suffers from both a high vulnerability to climate change and a limited capacity to adapt to it.3 Climate vagaries negatively impact agricultural productivity and the availability of livestock fodder.4 These land and environmental vulnerabilities are amplified by weak state institutions and high population growth.5 Increased competition for land and natural resources leads to frequent conflicts and sometimes even casualties.6 Chad has three main bioclimatic zones with different land uses, production systems and population densities. The Saharan zone in the north of the country covers 47% of the national territory, but is home to only 13% of the population. The sand dunes and rocky plains are largely unsuitable for agriculture, except for oases suitable for the development of date palms, as well as nomad camel husbandry and the sedentary rearing of small ruminants . The Sahelian zone located in the center of the country represents 43% of Chad's surface area and concentrates 40% of the population. Transhumant livestock farming is dominant in the northern part of this zone, while the southern part is characterized by agropastoralism. The Sudanian zone in the south of the country covers only 10% of the territory, but is home to 47% of the Chadian population. This zone is favorable to agriculture and livestock farming and also contains half of Chad's fields.7
Livelihood Zones in Chad, map by USAID and Fews Net
The primary sector is the backbone of the Chadian economy, mainly consisting of livestock breeding, but also the production of cereals, cotton and gum Arabic. Activities in this sector contribute to nearly 50% of the country's economy.8 Agriculture for self-consumption is the main means of subsistence for 88% of Chadian households.9 Livestock, the second largest export item after oil, provides income for about 40% of the population and contributes 18% of[d] the gross domestic product (GDP). Oil production, which began in 2003, now accounts for 20% of GDP and three quarters of exports in 2019.10 Despite its natural resources and agricultural potential, Chad remains underdeveloped. The country is a net importer of foodstuffs and nearly three-quarters of households are severely food insecure.11 A large part of the oil windfall is used to finance the army or is misappropriated by political elites without benefiting the population as a whole.12
Sahelian landscape, photography by Christophe Valingot (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Historical context
France occupied Chad toward the late colonial period. Conquered and made a colony in 1920, the birth of Chad was largely the result of rivalries between European powers on the continent. Indeed, France wished to constitute a "contiguous African empire" to counter the British and German presence in the region. Chad is thus a "colonial creation" heterogeneously made up of nomadic societies in the Sahara, sultanates in the Sahel and peasant communities in the southern zone.13 The country declared its independence in 1960, but this new era was marked by the imposition of a single party in 1963, followed by recurrent civil wars (1965-1979, 1979-1982 and 2005-2010) orchestrated by politicians.
Although conflicts tend to oppose northern Muslims to southern Christians, the crises experienced by the Chadian population are not simply a matter of identity-based fractures. Rather, these crises are rooted in problems of poor governance. Severe climatic conditions also contribute to the country's instability. Beginning in 1970, Chad experienced two decades of drought that disrupted agricultural and pastoral systems. An increase in rainfall was recorded after the 1990s, but rainfall remains irregular from year to year and from region to region.14 In April 2021, Chadian President Idriss Déby Itno died after thirty years in power. His son, General Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno, was appointed head of the Military Transitional Council that governs the country and later became President of the transition.
Land legislation and regulations
Various pieces of legislation developed and adopted shortly after independence still govern land management in Chad. The Chadian state largely drew inspiration from the colonial legislation and laws 23, 24 and 25 and their implementing decrees promulgated in 1967 continue to regulate access to land.15
Even if they recognize customary land rights, these texts are characterized by a duality between colonial and traditional conceptions of land. On the one hand, the logics imported and imposed by colonization emphasize domaniality (i.e., the primacy of state power over land), private property, and land as a commodity validated in writing. On the other hand, endogenous land tenure systems specific to local societies are based on the sacred, communal and inalienable character of land, and management rules based on orality.16 Laws 23, 24 and 25 call into question the main foundation of customary rights. Indeed, the texts confirm the right of individual ownership, which necessarily requires development.
Moreover, these laws on land tenure are also poorly known, poorly disseminated and incomprehensible to the majority of administrators and users. Their implementation also involves the responsibility of several institutions whose respective fields of action are not well defined and often compete with each other.
In addition to these fundamental texts, other more specific texts regulating the management of the national biological patrimony can be cited, including Law No. 14/PR/98 of August 17, 1998 defining the general principles of environmental protection and Law No. 14/PR/2008 governing forests, fauna and fishery resources. The first law integrates in substance the sustainable management of natural resources. It stipulates that forests must be preserved from destructive human activities such as overgrazing, fires and the introduction of nonnative species.
Complementing the first, the second law establishes the protection of forests as a matter of public interest and thus a fundamental requirement of national development policy. Law No. 14/PR/2008 also emphasizes that domestic forest exploitation is exercised through traditional use rights, which include collecting dead wood lying on the ground, gathering fruits and harvesting medicinal plants. However, national parks and wilderness reserves are exempt from all use rights. For control and monitoring purposes, a permit is required for all tree felling within a forest, except on permanent farms.17
Ordinance No. 043/PR/2018 of August 31, 2018 reflects the Chadian state's desire to delineate its vision for the management of agriculture, forestry, pastoralism and fishing in the absence of a land policy per se. This ordinance sets out the guiding principles of land tenure security, defines a framework for sustainable resource management, encourages respect for good governance and recognizes customary land rights. However, it remains vague on the terms of its application, does not bring anything fundamentally new compared to existing legislation and does not clearly specify the areas reserved for agriculture and livestock.18
Until 2018, the mining sector was regulated by Law n°011/PR/1995 of June 20, 1995. This law provides that mining resources are the property of the State. Deemed obsolete because it contained no provisions for radioactive substances, no mining cadastre, and no guidelines for foreign ownership,19 this law was revised by Ordinance No. 004/PR/2018. The new code aims to increase profits from the exploitation of natural resources by promoting local processing.20 Since the 1990s, Chad has been considering updating its land laws, but the revision process has not yet been completed.21 Under the effects of climate change, population growth and changing social and political structures, these laws are no longer able to regulate land effectively. The drafting of new land legislation was revived in 2011 with the creation of the Ministry of Land Affairs and State Property (MAFD). After several failed attempts, a draft code that had previously been subject to broad consultations was submitted to parliamentarians in 2014. However, the recommendations of the National Forum on Institutional Reforms in March 2017 led to a comprehensive overhaul of the state apparatus. De facto, the draft code—which had not yet been adopted—became obsolete and the government deemed it necessary to withdraw it for a rereading.
In order to design a new land and state property code, the ministry in charge of land issues set up a multi-stakeholder committee in 2018.22 However, instability at the head of this ministry23 and the death of the President of the Republic in April 2021 once again interrupted the land reform. In parallel, the Ministry of Land Affairs, Housing Development and Urban Planning launched a project in June 2022 to develop Chad's land policy with technical support from FAO.24 It was decided to wait for the adoption of the land policy, scheduled before the end of 2023, before finalizing the land and property code.
Similarly, attempts to reform the main law governing pastoralism were unsuccessful. In a context of increased resource scarcity, population growth, and increasing livestock population, it was considered necessary to revise this law passed in 1959. The draft pastoral code made its way to the National Assembly and was adopted in July 2014, but was eventually rejected by the Constitutional Council for violating the constitution. Despite the participatory approach that was adopted, several points in the draft code have provoked strong reactions. Some deputies (especially from the opposition) and civil society members felt that the code privileged pastoralism to the detriment of other rural activities and introduced an unequal treatment of citizens before the law by favoring herders from the north of the country.25
Land tenure system
The land tenure system in Chad, according to Law No. 23 of July 22, 1967 on the status of state property, comprises two main components: the national domain and the private domain. The national domain is composed of a public domain and a private domain. The public domain, which is intended for the use of all, is in turn subdivided into two groups, namely the natural public domain and the artificial public domain. The natural public domain includes waterways, mining sites and classified forests. The artificial public domain is made up of navigation and irrigation canals, water pipes, communication routes, energy production and transport structures, national defense buildings, etc.
The private domain includes all property belonging to the State or to subordinate legal entities of public law that is not part of the public domain. Law n°23 specifies that any property that has ceased to belong to the public domain falls into the private domain. It also adds to this category property that is vacant and ownerless, property abandoned by its legitimate owner, property whose owners cannot be found, and unusable or inaccessible land that has become available for use as a result of public work, subject to the possible purging of customary rights. In short, the state claims a monopoly on all unregistered land.
Chadian desert, photography by anmede (CC BY-SA 2.0)
Private ownership of land by individuals is formalized through "the establishment and registration of a title deed called a land title."26 Any unregistered land is considered vacant and ownerless, unless proven otherwise. In both rural and urban areas, access to a land title depends on the capacity of the beneficiary to develop his or her plot of land through a "permanent and visible presence on the land.” Customary rights over land whose development has been established must be validated by a land title in order to be fully recognized and protected. Registered rural land that has not been farmed for more than five years can be expropriated.27
The private domain of individuals exists practically only on paper. From 1910 to 2022, only 10,100 land titles were issued for the whole country, according to information provided by land administration agents. Several factors discourage users from becoming owners: the high price of buying, developing and formalizing land, the complexity of the procedures (more than 25 steps in urban areas and 45 in rural areas), the time required to process applications (4 to 5 years), administrative corruption and the lack of coordination between the various technical departments responsible for issuing land titles. Several land applications have not been finalized.
The establishment of a land registry office for the city of N'Djamena between 2013 and 2017, in the form of a public-private partnership, helped to resolve several of these difficulties. However, after the withdrawal of the private provider, the services provided gradually deteriorated until they were discontinued in July 2021. Three additional steps to access the land title had even been added. In December 2022, the Chadian government announced the resumption of the activities of the one-stop shop for land affairs and its deployment in the country's main cities.28
Land Use Trends
Since the 1980s, the combined effects of droughts and population growth (3.6% per year on average29) have transformed land use patterns in Chad. Decreasing rainfall levels contributes to soil erosion and dries out the vegetation. Pastoralists and farmers adopt climate change adaptation strategies that are sometimes difficult to reconcile or even antagonistic. The transhumance routes have shifted southwards over a distance of some 200 kilometers,30 while the agricultural front is advancing northward.
Camel caravan, photography by David Stanley (CC BY 2.0)
Chad has one of the highest rates of farmland expansion in West Africa. This rate averaged 5% annually between 1975 and 2013, representing a 190% increase in cultivated areas over this period. In addition to the increased demand for food created by population growth, land degradation is pushing farmers to clear new land to maintain yield levels.31 Nevertheless, the average farm size remains small (less than one hectare). In 2017, the 4.5 million hectares of land under cultivation represented just 11% of the country's arable land, most of which was rain-fed.32
The development of agricultural activities is particularly pronounced in the south of the country. The localities bordering the Lake Chad hydrographic network attracts populations of the Sahel from the entire subregion. In the 1980s, the political and climatic crises in the country led to a land rush around the lake, particularly on its southern shore. Migrants introduced market gardening and commercial agriculture, facilitated by the proximity of the capital and the construction of a road, developed.33 More recently, the return of Chadians and the arrival of refugees in the wake of internal and border conflicts have increased land pressures. In 2022, there were 488,510 internally displaced persons, refugees, and returnees in Chad, mostly concentrated in the Lake Chad area.34
The increase in cultivated areas, charcoal production and pastoral activities in turn contribute to deforestation, a major trend observed since the early 19th century. Climate change is amplifying the effects of anthropogenic action. The open forests of the south of the country are particularly affected. Between 1975 and 2013, their area decreased by 29% (a loss of 4,700 km2).35 In 2020, forests covered only 3.4% of the territory.36 At the same time, the desert is expanding southwards at a rate of 3 km per year due to drought episodes and overgrazing practices that weaken the already scarce vegetation cover. Sandy areas have thus increased by 22% between 1975 and 2013. In total, 40% of the land in Chad is degraded.37
The decrease in cultivable space due to drought is leading to changes in production systems, including shorter fallow periods, but also the combination of livestock and agriculture by farmers, which nevertheless increases yields due to the use of manure.38 To cope with large fluctuations in rainfall, farmers are also developing irrigated crops and farming on lowlands or riverbanks. These new cultivation areas sometimes encroach on former pastures and limit access to watering points for livestock.39
The downsizing of grazing areas, increase in the size of the national livestock population, and changes in transhumance routes cause conflicts between herders and farmers, damages to crops, and livestock straying into protected areas. In the Kabbia department in southern Chad, for example, conflicts between farmers and herders led to casualties in 2020, 2021, and 2022.40 A growing number of transhumant herders are becoming sedentary and turning to agropastoralism because of the difficulties they face.41
In contrast, other categories of actors are entering the livestock business. These new breeders, from the dominant class, tend to ignore local customary norms and formal regulations. This situation of "land anomie" leads to a breakdown in relations between sedentary farmer hosts and the herders in general.42 Whereas these "new herders" use their economic and political power to impose themselves, the traditional pastoralists are under pressure in several ways. First, they are victims of growing mistrust and hostility on the part of farmers towards both categories of herders. Second, the influential "new herders" are taking over and monopolizing large areas of land to the detriment of other pastoralists.
Lake Chad, photograph by Matt Tomalty (CC BY-NC 2.0)
However, not all is bleak on the environmental front in Chad. While Lake Chad was once thought to be virtually doomed to disappear, the latest research indicates that this view is mistaken. Instead, the size of the lake is in constant flux. After growing to 25,000 km2 in the 1950s and 1960s, the lake experienced a period of regression in the 1970s and 1980s, followed by its expansion since 2000. These changes are due to the lake's shallow depth, which makes it highly sensitive to evaporation and variations in water supply from the Chari River, its main tributary. In addition, the development of vegetation in the lake gave the impression that it had shrunk, while groundwater storage capacity was increasing. Nevertheless, Lake Chad is subject to a variety of risks, including rising temperatures, water withdrawals for agriculture, development of the oil industry, and demographic pressure.43
Investments and land acquisitions
Land acquisitions by foreign investors in Chad appear to be few and far between. For example, the Land Matrix public database of land transactions does not list any entries for Chad.44 Nevertheless, a land purchase and rental market is emerging in urban and rural areas, sometimes leading to land grabs. For example, the areas around the Chari-Logone river system are dotted with large, fenced-in private estates. The main purchasers of these lands belong to the political, military and economic elite.45
Foreign investment appears to focus on onshore oil production. In the Logone Oriental region, the development of oil infrastructure by a consortium led by Exxon is increasing pressure on land, which was already high due to population growth. More than 1,000 oil wells distributed in four operation areas now dot the land. These drilling platforms and their connecting roads create a stranglehold on the villages, depriving the inhabitants of access to their agricultural plots and reducing them to living in the "interstices" of the exploitation. In addition to the 3,754 hectares occupied by the project as of 2010, a pipeline to bring oil to Cameroon extends 170 km into Chad. Although the World Bank has compensated the expropriated landowners for the construction of the pipeline and the creation of the oil wells, the affected communities are dissatisfied with the benefits of the project.46
Customary land rights
Although unregistered land in Chad is legally owned by the state, customary rights still largely prevail. However, colonial and post-colonial administration has modified the functioning of the customary system by stripping it of its fundamental principles. The land chief, the repository of traditional authority and guarantor of group stability in non-Islamic societies, has not been recognized by the state for his magico-religious functions.47 In order to consolidate its power, the colonial administration instead attributed the prerogatives of land chiefs to "traditional” chiefs, who previously played only a political, not a spiritual, role.
In non-Islamic societies of southern Chad, the land has a sacred character: it belongs to spirits linked to God, the Creator.48 Each ethnic group occupies a well-defined space. A covenant is then concluded between the deities of the land on which the group has settled and a priest (or land chief) is appointed to maintain good relations between these two worlds. The land is also a collective good. Therefore, it cannot be the exclusive property of an individual, nor can it be sold. The gods, the dead and those yet to be born co-own the land. The living have only a right of use. Although customary land tenure endures, it is dynamic in practice. Its initial foundations, namely its sacred, communal and inalienable character, are under threat. The status of land has thus changed from a patrimonial asset to that of a commodity.49
In northern Muslim societies, land is seen as the property of God, and the manager is the head of the community (sultan, canton chief, village chief).50 Muslim land law was superimposed on customary practices that predated the arrival of Islam, without removing them entirely. The current land tenure regime lies at the crossroads between the Koranic system and animist beliefs.51Generally speaking, there are two categories of land: land belonging to individuals and collective land. In the first case, "individuals freely dispose of privately owned land" and have the power to rent, give or sell it.
Collective lands are divided into three categories. Dead land is uncultivated or fallow land. It is the domain of the village community. It is generally used for grazing and wood harvesting. The “living” lands are conquered lands; those who cultivate them are usufructuaries who must pay royalties to the chief of the Muslim community. Finally, mortmain lands "belong to the community considered as the state" and whose revenues are used for religious purposes.52
In the central part of the country, land remains the sultans’ lineage property. The sultanates, representing the highest level of traditional authority, are structured around the groups whose settlement in a given area is the oldest. However, the ability of the sultanates to resolve conflicts varies. In the Lake Fitri area, the sultan and his descendants have controlled land management since the sixteenth century, but their traditional authority is being increasingly challenged.53 Around Lake Chad, on the other hand, customary authorities are able to effectively tame potential land conflicts despite the influx of people and the increased demand for natural resources.54
In practice, land users often resort to modern law, custom or Islam. They mobilize different legal registers and concoct an approach that is beneficial to them depending on the circumstances. This situation is a source of multiple conflicts. As a reminder, 80% of the cases pending in court concern land issues.55
Women's land rights
Legally, the three laws of 1967 do not discriminate against women in terms of land access. In reality, however, women have little formal access to land despite their predominant role in subsistence farming and in certain commercial sectors such as shea butter production.56 .
Customary rules are not more favorable to women. The customary system does not view land as an individual asset, but as a community asset. Land is managed by the eldest member of the lineage, who distributes it among the other members of the family and ensures that it remains within the patrilineal group. In this context, women usually rely on their male relatives (father, husband or son) to access land and are generally excluded from inheritance.
In Muslim societies, on the other hand, the property of the deceased must in principle be divided among the heirs according to the Koranic logic whereby, upon the father’s death, the son's share is double that of the daughter. At the death of the spouse, 1/8 of the heritage goes to the wife. Land, being perceived as an asset like any other, is distributed according to Koranic prescriptions. However, the relatives of the deceased frequently monopolize the bequeathed property without the wife receiving her fair share.57
Women and cattle around a well, modified photograph by Jean-Louis Couture (CC BY-NC 2.0)
Analysis of gender issues highlights other variables that prevent women from accessing land in Chad. The lack of "material resources" such as credit, inputs and agricultural labor, but also "immaterial resources" such as technical training, time availability and decision-making independence limit women's ability to access and cultivate land.58 Demographic pressure and increasing livestock numbers further reduce the amount of land available, thus reducing women's chances of accessing land.
Nevertheless, some cotton farms are moving towards a mixed management style in which women are more actively involved in decision-making. The decision-making power of women increases when the household depends more on their income in difficult economic situations.59
Land tenure in urban areas
Although the vast majority of Chad's population (78%) still lives in rural areas, cities are experiencing sustained demographic growth (4% in 2021).60 Cities are having difficulty adapting to this population increase, due in particular to rural emigration that began in the 1970s in response to droughts and conflicts.
Urban development is marked by poorly controlled expansion. The Commission for the Allocation of Land in Urban Areas (CATZU), the state body responsible for processing applications since 2011, seems unable to control spatial development. Law n°006/PR/2010 setting out the fundamental principles applicable to urban planning, which governs various operations such as land subdivisions, is also little respected. It is estimated that 90% of urban households live in informal settlements where basic infrastructure is lacking.61 Land speculation is also a problem in a context where cities are unable to meet the demand for housing.
These difficulties are particularly pronounced in N'Djamena, the country's capital, founded in 1900, and whose population in 2020 was estimated at 1,699,208 inhabitants spread over 50,006 hectares. The civil war of 1979-1980 prompted about 60% of the population to leave N'Djamena, but the population began to grow again in 1983. Urban space increased "spectacularly" after the 1990s. The Chadian government or the N'Djamena city council regularly carry out evictions on occupied land of the national domain, , razing dwellings without always compensating the victims.
The exploitation of oil from 2003 onwards has increased the price of housing and urban land. In N'Djamena, poor households are being forced to move from the center to the outskirts of the city. New housing construction is encroaching on the remaining peri-urban forests. The surface area occupied by vegetation has decreased from 52% of the city's total area in 1978 to only 14% in 2018.62 Several informal settlements in N'Djamena, a city located at the crossroads of the Logone and Chari rivers, are also vulnerable to flooding.63
Land governance innovations
To combat malnutrition in the Kanem zone, FAO has introduced a loan program through which groups of women and vulnerable people gain access to land for five years. These groups can exploit irrigable and fertile land to increase their food security, but also generate income.64
Timeline - milestones in land governance
1920: Chad became a colony, but the French administration remained unable to control the territory in the north of the country.
1967: The independent government adopts laws n°23 of July 22, 1967 on the status of state property, n°24 of July 22, 1967 on land ownership and customary rights and n°25 of July 22, 1967 on the limitation of land rights.
1970s: Two decades of drought begin, leading to population movements that increase land pressures in the host areas.
1979: A civil war breaks out, dividing the north and south of the country.
2003: Oil exploitation starts.
2002: A law devolves natural resource management to rural communities.
2008: The Law n°14 / PR/ 2008 on forestry, wildlife and fisheries is adopted.
Where to go next?
The author's suggestions for further reading
I recommend a book chapter by Audrey Mbagogo Koumbraït that identifies how traditional modes of land governance around Lake Fitri are evolving in a context where more and more families face difficulties in accessing land. In particular, herders are increasingly challenging the authority of the sultanate to arbitrate conflicts, whom they see as biased in favor of farmers. A growing number of individuals are turning to state authorities to resolve their conflicts.
Focusing on Lake Chad, Géraud Magrin's articlediscusses the interdependence between this area and the capital N'Djaména. In this zone, traditional authorities are able to regulate conflicts over competing uses despite growing land pressure.
In his article Mahamat Abdoulaye Malloum illustrates how the rise of individualism in Chad is changing customary land tenure practices and leading to the commodification of land.
References
[1] https://www.inseed.td/index.php/thematiques/statistique-demographique/population
[2] Yonoudjoum, Charles and Abdelsalam Chérif. 1994. La problèmatique foncière au Tchad. Ndjaména: CILSS. URL: http://portails.cilss.bf:8500/documents/4239.pdf.
[3] Broudic, Caroline, Nadji Tellro Wai, Mahamat-Ahmat Abakar and Denis Michiels. 2019. Adaptation aux changements climatiques et renforcement de la résilience au Tchad: Diagnostic et perspectives. Institut de Recherches et d'Applications des Méthodes de Développement (IRAM) and BRACED. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/adaptation-aux-changements-climatiques-et-renforcement-de-la-resilience-au-tchad.
[4] Comité Permanent Inter-états de Lutte contre la Sécheresse dans le Sahel (CILSS). 2016. Landscapes of West Africa: A Window on a Changing World. Garretson: U.S. Geological Survey EROS. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/landscapes-west-africa.
[5] Banque mondiale. 2022. Tchad - Analyse des contraintes et opportunités pour le développement du sous-secteur agricole : Version Compléte [sic]. Washington, D.C: World Bank Group. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/tchad-analyse-des-contraintes-et-opportunit%C3%A9s-pour-le-d%C3%A9veloppement-du-sous.
[6] Between January and August 2021, for example, the UN documented 24 incidents between farming and pastoral communities that resulted in the deaths of 309 people and the displacement of more than 6,500. See OCHA. 2021. Tchad: Aperçu des conflits intercommunautaires. August 6. URL: https://reliefweb.int/report/chad/tchad-aper-u-des-conflits-intercommunautaires-juillet-2021.
[7] Broudic, Caroline, Nadji Tellro Wai, Mahamat-Ahmat Abakar and Denis Michiels. 2019. Adaptation aux changements climatiques et renforcement de la résilience au Tchad: Diagnostic et perspectives. Institut de Recherches et d'Applications des Méthodes de Développement (IRAM) and BRACED. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/adaptation-aux-changements-climatiques-et-renforcement-de-la-resilience-au-tchad. Comité Permanent Inter-états de Lutte contre la Sécheresse dans le Sahel (CILSS). 2016. Landscapes of West Africa: A Window on a Changing World. Garretson: U.S. Geological Survey EROS. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/landscapes-west-africa. USAID. 2010. Chad - Property Rights and Resource Governance Profile. URL: https://www.landportal.org/library/resources/14378/property-rights-and-resource-governance-country-profile-chad.
[8] Direction générale du Trésor. 2022. Tchad: Indicateurs et conjoncture. URL: https://www.tresor.economie.gouv.fr/Pays/TD/indicateurs-et-conjoncture.
[9] Banque mondiale. 2022. Tchad - Analyse des contraintes et opportunités pour le développement du sous-secteur agricole : Version Compléte [sic]. Washington, D.C: World Bank Group. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/tchad-analyse-des-contraintes-et-opportunit%C3%A9s-pour-le-d%C3%A9veloppement-du-sous.
[10] Direction générale du Trésor. 2022. Tchad: Indicateurs et conjoncture. URL: https://www.tresor.economie.gouv.fr/Pays/TD/indicateurs-et-conjoncture
[11] Tchana, Fulbert Tchana, Aboudrahyme Savadogo and Claudia Noumedem Temgoua, 2021. Chad’s economic and poverty outlook in 10 charts. World Bank. URL: https://blogs.worldbank.org/en/africacan/chads-economic-and-poverty-outlook-10-charts.
[12] Bouquet, Christian. 2021. "Tchad, qu’as-tu fait de ta rente pétrolière?" iD4D, May 31. URL: https://ideas4development.org/tchad-petrole-guerre/.
[13] "Le problème tchadien: Rappel historique". 1984. Politique africaine, (16): 9-14. URL: http://www.politique-africaine.com/numeros/pdf/016009.pdf.
[14] Broudic, Caroline, Nadji Tellro Wai, Mahamat-Ahmat Abakar and Denis Michiels. 2019. Adaptation aux changements climatiques et renforcement de la résilience au Tchad: Diagnostic et perspectives. Institut de Recherches et d'Applications des Méthodes de Développement (IRAM) and BRACED. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/adaptation-aux-changements-climatiques-et-renforcement-de-la-resilience-au-tchad.
[15] Badour, Oumar. 2022. "Un projet d’appui à l’élaboration de la politique foncière au Tchad est lancé." Tchad Infos. June 8. URL: https://landportal.org/news/2023/01/un-projet-d%E2%80%99appui-%C3%A0-l%E2%80%99%C3%A9laboration-de-la-politique-fonci%C3%A8re-au-tchad-est-lanc%C3%A9. Rochegude, Alain and Caroline Plançon. 2009. "Fiche pays: Tchad." Décentralisation, foncier et acteurs locaux. Comité technique "Foncier et développement." URL: https://landportal.org/node/add/landlibrary-resource.
[16] Magnant, Jean-Pierre. 1987. La terre Sara, terre tchadienne. Paris: L'Harmattan.
[17] République du Tchad. 2008. Loi no 14/PR/08 portant régime des forêts, de la faune, et des ressources halieutiques. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/loi-no-14pr08-portant-r%C3%A9gime-des-for%C3%AAts-de-la-faune-et-des-ressources-halieutiques.
[18] Tatoloum, Amane. 2021. "La Loi 43 portant orientation agro-sylvo-pastorale et halieutique: Ses limites et ses atouts pour la reconnaissance du foncier pastoral au Tchad." In Sécuriser le foncier agro-pastoral et prévenir les conflits agro-pastoraux en Afrique du Centre et de l'Ouest. Regional colloquium, Ndjamena, November 23-26.
[19] Mbaye, Khadim. 2017. "Le Tchad réforme son Code minier devenu obsolète." La Tribune Afrique, June 01. https://afrique.latribune.fr/economie/strategies/2017-06-01/le-tchad-reforme-son-code-minier-devenu-obsolete-728444.html.
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[23] From 2008 to 2022, the Ministry in charge of land issues has had 16 ministers.
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