By Marie Gagné, edited by Mahamat Abdoulaye Malloum, land governance expert and PhD student at the University of Maroua, Cameroon
This is a translated version of the country profile originally written in French.
A historical crossroads between North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa, Chad has a vast territory of 1,284,000 km2 with an estimated population of 16 million in 2020 1. Chad is the largest landlocked country in Africa, with the nearest port located 1,705 km away2. The main land issues in this predominantly rural country are frequent droughts, advancing desert, expansion of agricultural land, uncontrolled urbanization, shrinking forest areas, land grabs by elites and oil exploitation.
![A market gardening project set up with the help of Oxfam,](/sites/default/files/styles/country_list/public/country-narrative/6820187940_c83cbaa7e9_c.jpg?itok=dNmWTBfB)
In southern Chad, in non-Islamic societies, the land has a sacred character: it belongs to the spirits linked to a creator God. Each ethnic group organizes itself on a well-defined space. A covenant is then concluded between the deities of the land on which it is settled and a priest (chief of the land) is appointed to watch over the good relations between these two worlds.
A market gardening project set up with the help of Oxfam,
The country suffers from both a high vulnerability to climate change and a limited capacity to adapt to it3. The vagaries of the climate have a negative impact on agricultural productivity and the availability of fodder for livestock 4 . These land and environmental vulnerabilities are amplified by the weakness of state institutions and high population growth 5 . Increased competition for land and natural resources leads in this context to frequent conflicts and sometimes even loss of life 6 .
Chad has three major bioclimatic zones with different land uses, production systems and population densities. The Saharan zone in the north of the country covers 47% of the national territory, but is home to only 13% of the population. The sand dunes and rocky plains are largely unsuitable for agriculture, except for oases suitable for the development of date palms, as well as transhumant camel farming and sedentary small ruminant farming. The Sahelian zone located in the center of the country represents 43% of Chad's surface area and concentrates 40% of the population. Transhumant livestock farming is dominant in the northern part of this zone, while the southern part is characterized by agropastoralism. The Sudanian zone in the south of the country covers only 10% of the territory, but is home to 47% of the Chadian population. This zone is favorable to agriculture and livestock farming and also contains half of Chad's fields 7 .
![Livelihood Zones in Chad, map by USAID and Fews Net](/sites/default/files/inline-images/TD_Livelihoods-2021_1.png)
Livelihood Zones in Chad, map by USAID and Fews Net
The primary sector is the mainstay of the Chadian economy. It mainly concerns livestock, but also the production of cereals, cotton and gum arabic. Activities in this sector contribute to nearly 50% of the country's economy 8 . Agriculture for self-consumption is the main means of subsistence for 88% of Chadian households 9 . Livestock, the second largest export after oil, provides income for about 40% of the population and contributes 18% of the gross domestic product (GDP). Oil production, which began in 2003, now accounts for 20% of GDP and will account for three quarters of exports in 2019 10 . Despite its natural resources and agricultural potential, Chad remains underdeveloped. The country is a net importer of food and nearly three-quarters of households are severely food insecure 11 . A large part of the oil windfall is used to finance the army or is diverted by political elites without benefiting the population as a whole 12 .
![Sahelian landscape, photography by Christophe Valingot (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)](/sites/default/files/inline-images/Paysage%20sah%C3%A9lien.jpg)
Sahelian landscape, photography by Christophe Valingot (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Historical context
Chad was occupied late by France. Conquered and made a colony in 1920, the birth of Chad was largely the result of rivalries between European powers on the continent. Indeed, France wished to constitute an "African empire in one piece" to counteract the presence of the British and Germans in the region. Chad is thus a heterogeneous "colonial creation," made up of nomadic societies in the Sahara, sultanates in the Sahel and peasant communities in the southern zone 13 .
The country declared its independence in 1960, but this new era was marked by the imposition of a single party in 1963, followed by recurrent civil wars (1965-1979, 1979-1982 and 2005-2010) orchestrated by politicians. Although conflicts tend to oppose northern Muslims and southern Christians, the crises experienced by the Chadian population are not simply a matter of identity-based fractures. Rather, these crises are rooted in problems of poor governance.
Severe climatic conditions also contribute to the country's instability. Beginning in 1970, Chad experienced two decades of drought that disrupted agricultural and pastoral systems. An increase in rainfall was recorded after the 1990s, but rainfall remains irregular from year to year and from region to region 14 .
In April 2021, Chadian President Idriss Déby Itno died after thirty years in power. His son, General Mahamat Idriss Déby Itno, was appointed to head the Military Transitional Council that governs the country and then became President of the transition.
Land legislation and regulations
Land management in Chad is governed by various pieces of legislation developed and adopted shortly after independence. The Chadian state was largely inspired by colonial legislation and laws 23, 24 and 25 and their implementing decrees promulgated in 1967 continue to govern access to land 15 .
Even if they recognize customary land rights, these texts are characterized by a duality between colonial and traditional conceptions of land. On the one hand, the logics imported and imposed by colonization emphasize domaniality (i.e., the primacy of public power over land), private property, and land as a marketable good validated by the written word. On the other hand, endogenous land tenure systems specific to local societies are based on the sacredness of land, its communal and inalienable character, and management rules based on orality 16 . Laws 23, 24 and 25 call into question the main basis of customary rights. In fact, the texts confirm the right of individual ownership, which necessarily requires development.
These laws on land tenure are also poorly known, poorly disseminated and incomprehensible to the majority of administrators and users. Their implementation also involves the responsibility of several institutions whose respective fields of action are not well defined and often compete with each other.
In addition to these fundamental texts, other more specific texts regulating the management of the national biological heritage can be cited, including Law No. 14/PR/98 of August 17, 1998 defining the general principles of environmental protection and Law No. 14/PR/2008 on the regime of forests, fauna and fishery resources. The first law integrates in substance the sustainable management of natural resources. It specifies in particular that forests must be preserved from destructive human actions such as overgrazing, fires and the introduction of unsuitable species.
In addition to the first law, the second law establishes the protection of forests as a matter of public interest and thus a fundamental requirement of national development policy. Law No. 14/PR/2008 also emphasizes that domestic forest exploitation is exercised in the form of traditional use rights, which include the collection of dead wood lying on the ground, the gathering of fruit and the harvesting of medicinal plants. However, national parks and wilderness areas are exempt from all use rights. For control and monitoring purposes, a cutting permit is required for all tree cutting within a forest, except on a permanent farm 17 .
Ordinance No. 043/PR/2018 of August 31, 2018 on agro-sylvo-pastoral and fisheries orientation reflects the Chadian state's desire to adopt a general vision in the absence of a land policy per se. This ordinance sets out the guiding principles of land tenure security, defines a framework for sustainable resource management, encourages respect for good governance and recognizes customary land rights. However, it remains vague on the terms of its application, does not bring anything fundamentally new compared to existing legislation and does not clearly specify the areas reserved for agriculture and livestock 18 .
The mining sector is regulated until 2018 by Law n°011/PR/1995 of June 20, 1995. This law provides that mining resources are the property of the State. Deemed obsolete because it did not contain provisions for radioactive substances, did not provide for a mining cadastre, and did not provide a framework for ownership by foreign interests 19 , this law was revised by Ordinance No. 004/PR/2018. The new code aims to increase the profits from the exploitation of natural resources by promoting local processing 20 .
The draft reforms of the texts b
Since the 1990s, Chad has been considering updating its land laws, but the process has not yet been completed 21 . Under the effects of climate change, population growth and changing social and political structures, these laws are no longer able to regulate land effectively.
The initiative to develop new land legislation was revived in 2011 with the creation of the Ministry of Land Affairs and Property (MAFD). After several failed attempts, it was in 2014 that a draft code that had been subject to broad consultation arrived on the table of parliamentarians. Now, the recommendations of the National Forum on Institutional Reforms in March 2017 led to a comprehensive overhaul of the state apparatus. De facto, the draft became obsolete and the government deemed it necessary to withdraw it for a rereading.
In order to design a new land and property code, the ministry in charge of land issues set up a multi-stakeholder committee in 2018 22 . However, instability at the head of this ministry 23 and the death of the President of the Republic in April 2021 once again interrupted the redesign process. In parallel, the Ministry of Land Affairs, Housing Development and Urban Planning launched a project in June 2022 to develop Chad's land policy with technical support from FAO 24 . It was decided to wait for the adoption of the land policy, which is expected before the end of 2023, before finalizing the land and property code.
Similarly, attempts to reform the main law governing pastoralism have not been successful. In a context of increased resource scarcity, population growth, and increasing livestock numbers, it was considered necessary to revise this law passed in 1959. The draft pastoral code made its way to the National Assembly and was adopted in July 2014, but was eventually rejected by the Constitutional Council for violating the constitution. Despite the participatory approach that was adopted, several points in the draft code have provoked strong reactions. Some deputies (especially from the opposition) and members of civil society felt that the code privileged pastoralism to the detriment of other rural activities and established inequality of citizens before the law by favoring herders from the north of the country 25 .
Land tenure system
The land tenure system in Chad, according to Law No. 23 of July 22, 1967 on the status of state-owned property, is made up of two main areas: the national domain and the private domain. The national domain is composed of a public domain and a private domain. The public domain, whose outbuildings are intended for the use of all, is in turn subdivided into two groups, namely the natural public domain and the artificial public domain. The natural public domain includes waterways, mining sites and classified forests. The artificial public domain is made up of navigation and irrigation canals, water pipes, communication routes, energy production and transport works, national defence works, etc.
The private domain includes all property of the State or subordinate legal entities of public law that is not part of the public domain. Law n°23 specifies that any property that has ceased to belong to the public domain falls into the private domain. It also adds to this register property that is vacant and without a master, property abandoned by its legitimate owner, property whose owners cannot be found, and unusable or inaccessible land that has become available for use as a result of public work, subject to the possible purging of customary rights. In short, the state claims a monopoly on all unregistered land.
![Chadian desert, photography by anmede (CC BY-SA 2.0)](/sites/default/files/inline-images/D%C3%A9sert%20tchadien%20%281%29.jpg)
Chadian desert, photography by anmede (CC BY-SA 2.0)
Private ownership of land by individuals is formalized through the process of registration, that is, "the establishment and registration of a title deed called a land title"[26] . Any unregistered land is considered vacant and without a master, provided that the contrary can be proven. In both rural and urban areas, access to a land title depends on the capacity of the beneficiary to develop his or her plot of land through a "permanent and visible hold on the land. Customary rights that have been proven to be developed must be validated by a land title in order to be fully recognized and protected. Registered rural land that has not been developed for more than five years is expropriable[27] .
The private domain of individuals exists practically only on paper. From 1910 to 2022, only 10,100 land titles were issued for the whole of Chad, according to information provided by land agents. Several factors discourage users from becoming owners: the high price of land, its development and formalization, the complexity of the procedures (more than 25 steps in urban areas and 45 in rural areas), the time required to process applications (4 to 5 years), administrative corruption and the lack of coordination between the various technical services involved in issuing land titles. Several applications that have been started have not been finalized.
The establishment of a land registry for the city of N'Djamena between 2013 and 2017, in the form of a public-private partnership, helped to resolve several of these difficulties. However, after the withdrawal of the private provider, the service gradually deteriorated until it was discontinued in July 2021. Three additional steps to access the land title had even been added. In December 2022, the Chadian government announced the resumption of the activities of the one-stop shop for land affairs and its deployment in the country's main cities[28] .
Land Use Trends
Since the 1980s, the combined action of droughts and population growth (3.6% per year on average 29 ) has transformed land use patterns in Chad. The decrease in rainfall levels contributes to soil erosion and dries out the vegetation. Pastoralists and herders are adopting strategies for adapting to climate change that are sometimes difficult to reconcile or even antagonistic. The transhumance routes have moved southward by about 200 kilometers 30 , while the agricultural areas are moving northward.
![Camel caravan, photography by David Stanley (CC BY 2.0)](/sites/default/files/inline-images/Caravane%20de%20chameaux.jpg)
Camel caravan, photography by David Stanley (CC BY 2.0)
Chad has one of the highest rates of expansion of agricultural land in West Africa. This rate averaged 5% annually between 1975 and 2013, representing a 190% increase in cultivated land over this period. In addition to the increased demand for food created by population growth, land degradation is pushing farmers to clear new land to maintain their yields 31 . Nevertheless, the average farm size remains small (less than one hectare). In 2017, land under cultivation on 4.5 million hectares accounted for only 11% of the country's arable land, most of which was cultivated under rain 32 .
The development of agricultural activities is particularly marked in the south of the country. The localities bordering the Lake Chad hydrographic network are in fact poles of attraction for the populations of the Sahel from the entire subregion. In the 1980s, the political and climatic crises in the country led to a race for agricultural land on the shores of the lake, particularly on its southern shore. Migrants introduced market gardening and commercial agriculture, facilitated by the proximity of the capital and the construction of a road, developed 33 . More recently, the return of Chadians and the arrival of refugees in the wake of internal and border conflicts have increased pressure on the land. In 2022, there were 488,510 internally displaced persons, refugees, and returnees in Chad, mostly concentrated in the Lake Chad area 34 .
The increase in cultivated areas, charcoal production and pastoral activities in turn contribute to deforestation, a major trend observed since the beginning of the 19th centurye . Climate change is amplifying the effects of anthropogenic action. The open forests of the south of the country are particularly affected. Between 1975 and 2013, their area decreased by 29% (a loss of 4,700 km )235 . In 2020, forests will cover only 3.4% of the territory 36 . At the same time, the desert is expanding southwards at a rate of 3 km per year due to drought episodes and overgrazing practices that weaken the already scarce vegetation. Sandy areas have thus increased by 22% between 1975 and 2013. In total, 40% of the land in Chad is degraded 37 .
The decrease in cultivable space due to drought is leading to changes in production systems, including shorter fallow periods, but also the combination of livestock and agriculture by farmers, which however increases yields due to the use of manure 38 . In order to cope with the large fluctuations in rainfall, farmers are also developing irrigated crops and developing low-lying areas or riverbanks. These new cultivation areas sometimes encroach on former pastures and limit access to watering points for livestock 39 .
The reduction in grazing areas, the increase in the size of the national herd, and changes in transhumance routes are causing conflicts between herders and farmers, damage to crops, and problems with livestock incursions into protected areas. In the Kabbia department in southern Chad, for example, conflicts between farmers and herders led to the death of three cattle in 2020, 2021, and 2022 40 . More and more transhumant herders are becoming sedentary and turning to agropastoralism because of the difficulties faced by livestock farming 41 .
In contrast, other categories of actors are entering the livestock business. These new herders, from the dominant class, tend to ignore local customary norms and formal regulations. This situation of "land anomie" leads to a breakdown in relations between the sedentary farmer hosts and the herders in general 42 . The "new herders" are using their economic and political power to impose themselves, but the traditional pastoralists are under pressure in several ways. First, they are victims of growing mistrust and hostility on the part of farmers towards both categories of herders. Second, the influential "new herders" are taking over large areas of land to the detriment of other pastoralists.
![Lake Chad, photograph by Matt Tomalty (CC BY-NC 2.0)](/sites/default/files/inline-images/Lac%20Tchad_1.jpg)
Lake Chad, photograph by Matt Tomalty (CC BY-NC 2.0)
However, not all is bleak on the environmental front in Chad. While Lake Chad was once thought to be virtually doomed to disappear, the latest research indicates that this view is incorrect. Instead, the size of the lake is in constant flux. After growing to 25,000 km2 in the 1950s and 1960s, the lake experienced a period of regression in the 1970s and 1980s, followed by expansion since 2000. These changes are due to the lake's shallow depth, which makes it very sensitive to evaporation and variations in water supply from the Chari River, its main tributary. In addition, the development of vegetation in the lake gave the impression that it had shrunk, while groundwater storage is increasing. Nevertheless, Lake Chad is subject to a variety of risks, including rising temperatures, water withdrawals for agriculture, development of the oil industry, and population pressure 43 .
Investments and land acquisitions
Land acquisitions by foreign investors in Chad appear to be few and far between. For example, the Land Matrix public land transaction database does not list any entries for Chad 44 . Nevertheless, a land purchase and lease market is emerging in urban and rural areas, sometimes leading to land grabs. For example, the areas around the Chari-Logone river system are dotted with large, fenced-in private estates. The main purchasers of these lands belong to the political, military and economic elite 45 .
Foreign investment appears to be focused on onshore oil development. In the Logone Oriental region, the development of oil infrastructure by a consortium led by Exxon is increasing pressure on land that was already high due to population growth. More than 1,000 oil wells in four development zones now dot the land. These drilling platforms and the roads that connect them create a stranglehold on the villages, depriving the inhabitants of access to their agricultural plots and reducing them to living in the "interstices" of the exploitation. In addition to the 3,754 hectares occupied by the project as of 2010, the pipeline to bring oil to Cameroon extends 170 km into Chad. Although the World Bank has compensated the owners of the land expropriated for the construction of the pipeline and the installation of the oil wells, the affected communities are dissatisfied with the benefits of the project 46 .
![Oil well in Chad, photograph by Ken Doerr (CC BY 2.0)](/sites/default/files/inline-images/Oil%20well%20%281%29.jpg)
Customary land rights
Although the state legally holds unregistered land in Chad, customary rights still largely prevail. However, colonial and post-colonial administration has modified the functioning of the customary system by stripping it of its fundamental principles. The land chief, the repository of traditional authority and guarantor of group stability in non-Islamic societies, has not been recognized by the state for his magico-religious functions 47 . In order to consolidate its power, the colonial administration instead attributed its prerogatives to "traditional chiefs" who previously played only a political, not a spiritual, role.
In southern Chad, in non-Islamic societies, the land has a sacred character: it belongs to the spirits linked to a creator God 48 . Each ethnic group organizes itself on a well-defined space. A covenant is then concluded between the deities of the land on which it is settled and a priest (chief of the land) is appointed to watch over the good relations between these two worlds. The land is also a collective good. Therefore, it cannot be the exclusive property of an individual, nor can it be sold. Among the co-owners are the gods, the dead and those who will be born. The living have only a right of use. If it is true that customary land tenure survives, it is dynamic in practice. Its initial foundations, namely its sacred, communal and inalienable character, are threatened. The status of land has thus changed from a patrimonial asset to a commercial asset 49 .
In northern Muslim societies, land is seen as the property of God and the manager is the head of the community (sultan, canton chief, village chief) 50 . In the case of the Muslim societies of the north, land is seen as the property of God and the manager is the head of the community (sultan, canton chief, village chief). This regime is at the crossroads between the Koranic system and animist beliefs 51 . In general, there are two categories of land: land owned by individuals and collective land. In the first case, "individuals have free disposal of privately owned land" and have the power to rent, give or sell. Collective lands are divided into three categories. Dead land is uncultivated or fallow land. It is the domain of the village community. It is generally used for grazing and wood harvesting. The living lands are conquered lands; those who cultivate them are usufructuaries who must pay royalties to the chief of the Muslim community. Finally, dead hand lands "belong to the community considered as state" and whose revenues are used for religious purposes 52 .
In the central part of the country, land remains the lineage property of the sultans. The sultanates, representing the highest level of traditional authority, are structured around the groups whose settlement in a given area is the oldest. The ability of the sultanates to control conflict, however, varies. In the Lake Fitri area, the sultan and his descendants have controlled land management since the sixteenth centurye , but their traditional authority is being challenged 53 . Around Lake Chad, on the other hand, customary authorities are able to effectively control potential land conflicts despite the influx of populations and the increased demand for natural resources 54 .
In practice, land users often resort to modern law, custom or Islam. The latter mobilize different legal registers and concoct an approach that is beneficial to them depending on the circumstances. This situation is a source of multiple conflicts. As a reminder, 80% of the cases pending in court concern land 55 .
Women's land rights
Legally, the three laws of 1967 do not discriminate against women in terms of access to land. In reality, however, women have little formal access to land despite their predominant role in subsistence agriculture and in certain commercial sectors such as shea butter 56 .
Customary rules are not more favorable to women. The customary system does not view land as an individual asset, but as a community asset. The land is managed by the eldest member of the lineage, who distributes it among the other members of the family and ensures that the land heritage is kept within the patrilineal group. In this context, women must most often go through their male relatives (father, husband or son) to access land and are generally excluded from inheritance.
In Muslim societies, on the other hand, the property of the deceased must in principle be divided among the heirs according to the Koranic logic where, on the death of the father, the man's share is equal to twice that of the wife. At the death of the spouse, 1/8 of the heritage goes to the wife. The land being perceived as a property like any other, it is also distributed according to the Koranic prescription. However, it often happens that the relatives of the deceased monopolize his property without the wife receiving her fair share 57 .
![Women and cattle around a well, modified photograph by Jean-Louis Couture (CC BY-NC 2.0)](/sites/default/files/inline-images/Femmes%20autour%20d%27un%20puit.png)
Women and cattle around a well, modified photograph by Jean-Louis Couture (CC BY-NC 2.0)
The gender analysis highlights other variables that prevent women from accessing land in Chad. The lack of "material resources" such as credit, inputs and agricultural labor, but also "immaterial resources" such as technical training, time availability and decision-making independence limit women's ability to access and cultivate land 58 . Demographic pressure and increasing livestock numbers further reduce the amount of land available, thus reducing women's chances of accessing land.
Nevertheless, some cotton farms are moving towards a mixed management style in which women are more actively involved in decision-making. Women's decision-making power increases when the household depends more on their income in difficult economic situations 59 .
Land tenure in urban areas
Although the vast majority of Chad's population (78%) still lives in rural areas, the cities are experiencing sustained population growth (4% by 2021 60 ). The cities are having difficulty adapting to this population increase, due in particular to the rural emigration that began in the 1970s in response to droughts and conflicts.
The development of cities is marked by poorly controlled expansion. The Commission for the Allocation of Land in Urban Areas (CATZU), the state body responsible for processing applications since 2011, does not seem to be able to control the development of space. Law n°006/PR/2010 setting out the fundamental principles applicable to urban planning, which governs various operations such as subdivisions, is also little respected. It is estimated that 90% of urban households live in informal settlements where basic infrastructure is lacking 61 . Land speculation is also a problem in a context where cities are unable to meet the demand for housing.
These difficulties are particularly pronounced in N'Djamena, the country's capital, founded in 1900, whose population in 2020 was estimated at 1,699,208 inhabitants spread over 50,006 hectares. The civil war of 1979-1980 caused about 60% of the population to leave N'Djamena, but the population began to grow again in 1983. Urban space increased "dramatically" after the 1990s. The Chadian government or the N'Djamena city council regularly carry out evictions on occupied land in the national domain and raze the houses without always compensating the victims.
The exploitation of oil from 2003 onwards has increased the price of housing and urban land. In N'Djamena, poor households are being forced to move from the center to the outskirts of the city. New housing construction is encroaching on the remaining peri-urban forests. The amount of space occupied by vegetation has decreased from 52% of the city's total area in 1978 to only 14% in 2018 62 . Several informal settlements in N'Djamena, a city located at the crossroads of the Logone and Chari rivers, are also vulnerable to flooding 63 .
Land innovations
To combat malnutrition in the Kanem zone, FAO has introduced a loan program through which groups of women and vulnerable people gain access to land for a period of five years. These groups can exploit irrigable and fertile land to increase their food security, but also generate income64 .
Land tenure timeline
1920- Chad became a colony, but the French administration was unable to control the territory in the north.
1967- The independent government adopts laws n°23 of July 22, 1967 on the status of state property, n°24 of July 22, 1967 on land ownership and customary rights and n°25 of July 22, 1967 on the limitation of land rights.
1970s: two decades of drought begin, leading to population movements that increase the pressure on land in the host areas.
1979: A civil war broke out, dividing the north and south of the country.
2003- Oil exploitation starts.
2002- A law devolves natural resource management to rural communities.
2008-The law n°14 / PR/ 2008 on the regime of forests, fauna, and halieutic resources is adopted.
Where to go next?
The author's suggestions for further reading
I recommend a book chapter by Audrey Mbagogo Koumbraït to identify how traditional modes of land governance around Lake Fitri are evolving in a context where more and more families are facing difficulties in accessing land. In particular, herders are increasingly challenging the authority of the sultanate to manage conflicts, which they see as biased in favor of farmers. A growing number of individuals are turning to state authorities to resolve their conflicts.
For an analysis this time focused on Lake Chad, Géraud Magrin's article discusses the interdependence between this area and the capital city of N'Djaména. In this area, traditional authorities manage to regulate conflicts of use despite growing pressure on the land.
In his article, Mahamat Abdoulaye Malloum illustrates how the rise of individualism in Chad is changing customary land tenure practices and leading to the commodification of land.
References
[1]https://www.inseed.td/index.php/thematiques/statistique-demographique/population
[2] Yonoudjoum, Charles and Abdelsalam Chérif. 1994. La problèmatique foncière au Tchad. Ndjaména: CILSS. URL: http://portails.cilss.bf:8500/documents/4239.pdf.
[3]Broudic, Caroline, Nadji Tellro Wai, Mahamat-Ahmat Abakar and Denis Michiels. 2019. Climate change adaptation and resilience building in Chad: diagnosis and perspectives. Institut de Recherches et d'Applications des Méthodes de Développement (IRAM) and BRACED. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/adaptation-aux-changements-climatiques-et-renforcement-de-la-resilience-au-tchad.
[4]Permanent Inter-State Committee for Drought Control in the Sahel (CILSS). 2016. West African Landscapes: A Window on a Changing World. Garretson: U.S. Geological Survey EROS. URL: https://landportal.org/node/101581.
[5] World Bank. 2022. Chad - Analysis of Constraints and Opportunities for the Development of the Agricultural Sub-Sector: Full Version. Washington, D.C: World Bank Group. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/tchad-analyse-des-contraintes-et-opportunit%C3%A9s-pour-le-d%C3%A9veloppement-du-sous.
6] Between January and August 2021, for example, the UN documented 24 incidents between farming and pastoral communities that resulted in the deaths of 309 people and the displacement of more than 6,500. See OCHA. 2021. Chad: Overview of Intercommunity Conflicts. August 6. URL: https://reliefweb.int/report/chad/tchad-aper-u-des-conflits-intercommunautaires-juillet-2021.
[7] Broudic, Caroline, Nadji Tellro Wai, Mahamat-Ahmat Abakar and Denis Michiels. 2019. Climate change adaptation and resilience building in Chad: diagnosis and perspectives. Institut de Recherches et d'Applications des Méthodes de Développement (IRAM) and BRACED. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/adaptation-aux-changements-climatiques-et-renforcement-de-la-resilience-au-tchad.
Permanent Inter-State Committee for Drought Control in the Sahel (CILSS). 2016. West African Landscapes: A Window on a Changing World. Garretson: U.S. Geological Survey EROS. URL: https://landportal.org/ node/101581.
USAID. 2010. Chad - Property Rights and Resource Governance Profile. URL: https://www.landportal.org/library/resources/14378/property-rights-and-resource-governance-country-profile-chad.
[8]Treasury Department. 2022. Chad: Indicators and economic conditions. URL: https://www.tresor.economie.gouv.fr/Pays/TD/indicateurs-et-conjoncture.
[9]World Bank. 2022. Chad - Analysis of Constraints and Opportunities for the Development of the Agricultural Sub-Sector: Full Version. Washington, D.C: World Bank Group. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/tchad-analyse-des-contraintes-et-opportunit%C3%A9s-pour-le-d%C3%A9veloppement-du-sous
[10] Treasury Department. 2022. Chad: Indicators and economic conditions. URL: https://www.tresor.economie.gouv.fr/Pays/TD/indicateurs-et-conjoncture
[11] World Bank. 2021. The World Bank's Economic Outlook and Poverty in Chad in 10 Charts. URL: https://blogs.worldbank.org/fr/africacan/perspectives-economiques-et-pauvrete-au-tchad-en-10-graphiques.
[12] Bouquet, Christian. 2021. "Chad, what have you done with your oil rent?" iD4D, May 31. URL: https://ideas4development.org/tchad-petrole-guerre/..
[13] The Chadian problem: a historical reminder". 1984. African Policy, (16): 9-14. URL: http://www.politique-africaine.com/numeros/pdf/016009.pdf.
[14] Broudic, Caroline, Nadji Tellro Wai, Mahamat-Ahmat Abakar and Denis Michiels. 2019. Climate change adaptation and resilience building in Chad: diagnosis and perspectives. Institut de Recherches et d'Applications des Méthodes de Développement (IRAM) and BRACED. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/adaptation-aux-changements-climatiques-et-renforcement-de-la-resilience-au-tchad.
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