El pueblo Guaraní del municipio de Macharetí en el departamento de Chuquisaca -Bolivia, durante muchos luchó por la titulación de tierras. Actualmente y después de cinco procesos de titulación, la Asociación Comunitaria Macharetí posee el título de propiedad de 184.757 hectáreas las que incluyen el territorio de Yembiguasu predio alejado de la comunidad que circunda la frontera con Paraguay y que ahora forma parte de la comunidad.

El subsidio integral de tierras en Colombia y la reestructuración del minifundio

The Guarani people of the municipality of Macharetí in the department of Chuquisaca Bolivia, for many fought for land titling. Currently and after five titling processes, Macharetí Community Association holds title to 184,757 hectares which include the territory of Yembiguasu land away from the community surrounding the border with Paraguay and now part of the community.

O Território documentário Lomerío: abrigo para a autonomia indígena, reflete todo o processo de um caso de sucesso e emblemático de acesso coletivo à terra pelo povo Chiquitano de comunidade indígena rural de Lomerío em Santa Cruz de la Sierra Bolívia. Colonos, as autoridades nativas, representantes do Conselho de Anciãos e crianças da comunidade contar esta história inspiradora.

Article 2(1): 

"1. Civil legislation is based on the recognition of the equality of the participants of the relations regulated thereby, inviolability of property, freedom of agreement, prohibition of arbitrary interference in somebody's private affairs, indispensability of the free exercise of civil rights, and provision for the restitution of violated rights and their defence in the court."

The Act provides for acquisition of private land by the Crown and related procedures.The Act consists of 36 sections divided into 8 Parts: Preliminary (I); Compulsory Acquisition of land and Abandonment of Acquisition (II); Appointment and Powers of Board of Assessment (III); Determination of Small Claims for Compensation (IV); Provisions Governing Assessment of Compensation, etc.

This paper uses District Land and Housing Tribunal (DLHT) as a case study to argue that the principle conceived in the enactment of the law that established the tribunal is far from becoming a reality. It uses data of the past four years to demonstrate that DLHT is overburdened by increment of an average of 2000 pending cases every year. It further shows legal and practical challenges that hinder access to and independence of DLHT. The paper calls for drastic strategic measures to strengthen DLHT in terms of human resources and facilities.

Across the developing world, rural women suffer widespread gender-based discrimination in laws, customs and practices cause severe inequalities in their ability to access, control, own and use land and limit their participation in decision-making at all levels of land governance.

Uganda discovered commercial quantities of oil in the country in 2006 and ever since, there has been increased activity in the exploration of oil and gas. The exploration activities are being undertaken in the Albertine Graben in mostly the districts of Hoima, Buliisa, and Nwoya by international oil companies contracted by the government. Currently, there are three licensed companies namely, Tullow Uganda operations Ltd , Total E&P and CNOOC Uganda Ltd operating in the districts of Hoima, Buliisa and Nwoya within the Albertine Graben.

Unfolding analysis reveals two types of land disputes prevalent in postwar northern Uganda: cases that involve a legitimate cause of action and those that do not.1 Since mediation and alternative forms of dispute resolution rely on parties’ willingness to negotiate in good faith, cases featuring ‘bad faith’ and land grabbing—where powerful parties intentionally exploit another person’s vulnerability in order to illegally2 claim land—pose a serious challenge for local land dispute mediators. Such mediators must wrestle with whether and how to remain neutral in the face of injustice.

Uganda’s northern region was traditionally inhabited by communities with predominantly pastoral lifestyles. As the country began developing administrative structures in the region, most clans found themselves settled into agro-pastoral communities. The elders found it imperative to demarcate areas of land to fit different uses, with areas for family settlement and cultivation clearly separated from other areas for communal use. Land was either demarcated by the leaders of a particular settlement or by the dominant clan for the benefit of everyone else in that area.

A guide to a report from the World Bank’s Agriculture and Rural Development Department which is likely to prove extremely helpful to practitioners. The structure of the report is first given in detail to illustrate its coverage. This is followed by a section which gathers together some of its contents and conclusions, interspersed with comments.