Côte d’Ivoire - Context and Land Governance

^{Photo: Cocoa tree, Ivory Coast, by The UN-REDD Programme (CC BY-NC 2.0)}

In Côte d'Ivoire, land issues are crucial for agricultural development, social peace and the legitimacy of political authorities. From 1960 to 1980, the country experienced strong economic growth due to the vigour of the agricultural sector, in particular cash crops for export. Encouraged by the policies of President Félix Houphouët-Boigny (in power from 1960 to 1993), several migrants, both Ivorians and foreigners, settled in the south of the country to practice agriculture. The "Ivorian miracle" ran out of steam in the 1980s. From 1999 to 2011, the country went through a series of political crises and ethnic violence related to access to land.

In Côte d'Ivoire, land tenure arrangements differ between ethnic groups. The country has more than 60 ethno-linguistic groups belonging to four main categories: the Akans in the south-east and centre of the country; the Krous in the south-west; the Mande in the west and north-west; and finally, the Voltaics in the north and north-east. Moreover, land rights are not the same for the first arrivals in a given area (the natives) and Ivorian migrants (the allochthones) or foreigners (the allogens). In 2014, 24.2% of the population of nearly 23 million was made up of immigrants², mostly Burkinabe, but also Ghanaians and Malians. 

^{Figure : Map of the vegetation, République de la Côte d’Ivoire, 2009}

Historical backdrop

Colonial period: From the 1920s, the colonial state invited migrants from the north of Côte d'Ivoire, Mali and Burkina Faso (then called Upper Volta) to settle in the south-east of Côte d'Ivoire to cultivate coffee and cocoa. The expansion of the agricultural front continued with the development of the central-western part of the country in the 1930s and 1940s. The natives did not give up their customary land rights, but allowed the newcomers to clear and cultivate the land³. At the time, the situation did not pose significant problems given the low population density and abundant forest reserves.

Post-colonial period: Upon coming to power, President Houphouët-Boigny continued the colonial strategy of agricultural expansion and actively encouraged immigration to the productive areas in order to develop the economy. All of his policies are underpinned by the vision that "the land belongs to the person who develops it".

The success of the two decades allowed Côte d'Ivoire to become the world's largest cocoa producer and the most prosperous and stable country in the sub-region⁴. GDP grew by an average of 7% per year from the 1960s onwards.

However, land disputes gradually intensified due to a combination of economic, social and political factors. From the 1980s onwards, the fall in world cocoa and coffee prices, combined with poor government management, led to a marked economic decline. Unable to support themselves in the city, many urban dwellers returned to their home regions and claimed the land loaned to migrants⁵, sometimes to renegotiate the terms of allocation on more advantageous terms without seeking to cultivate the land themselves⁶. 

With the introduction of a multi-party system in 1990, access to land also became an electoral issue. Houphouët-Boigny's main rival, Laurent Gbagbo, tried to recruit indigenous supporters by targeting migrant populations living in cocoa-producing areas. This kind of discourse is taken up and amplified by Henri Konan Bédié, the interim president appointed upon the death of Houphouët-Boigny in 1993.

In response to the intensification of land conflicts, the government, with the support of international donors, adopted Law No. 98-750 of 23 December 1998 on rural land tenure. The law takes as its pillar the registration of existing customary rights and establishes Ivorian citizenship as a prerequisite for land ownership. Rather than helping to clarify and secure land rights as desired, the adoption of the law accentuated tensions. In 1999, for example, the indigenous people of south-western Côte d'Ivoire chased 20,000 farmers and workers from Burkina Faso and northern Côte d'Ivoire out of the area⁷. 

In 1999, a coup overthrew the government of Henri Konan Bédié. Laurent Gbagbo was elected president in 2000, but was also the victim of an attempted coup in 2002. The aborted coup turned into an armed rebellion between the Forces Nouvelles, which controls the north of Côte d'Ivoire, and government forces in the south⁸. The rebels demanded an overhaul of the nationality code, the electoral code and the law on rural land tenure, which they considered discriminatory against migrants. Low-intensity armed clashes between the two camps occur on a recurring basis. Attacks against migrants are particularly pronounced in the forest west, where young indigenous people feel that they have been unfairly robbed of their land⁹.

These attacks led to numerous internal displacements of the population. The crisis officially came to an end in 2007 with the signing of the Ouagadougou agreements, which allowed for the formation of a government of national unity. 

At the end of the 2010 presidential election, the candidates Laurent Gbagbo and Alassane Ouattara both claimed victory. The electoral deadlock reflects and crystallizes the tensions between the populations of the south (whose favorite candidate is Gbagbo) and the north (represented by Ouattara). A civil war broke out, causing over 3,000 deaths and the displacement of at least 500,000 people between December 2010 and April 2011. The arrest of Laurent Gbagbo by pro-Ouattara forces put an end to the political crisis, but peace between migrants and natives remained precarious, especially in the cocoa-growing areas in the west of the country¹⁰. Indeed, the arrival of Ouattara marks a reversal of the balance of power and a return to an agricultural policy that favours migrants. Efforts to enforce the Rural Land Law have intensified since Ouattara came to power, but with a view to better protecting the land rights of non-nationals. In 2016, the Rural Land Agency (Afor) was created to implement the Rural Land Law.

Land legislation and regulations

Law No. 98-750 of 23 December 1998 on rural land is the most important legislative instrument governing access to land in Côte d'Ivoire. The primary aim of this law is to formalize customary rights through the registration of rural land, i.e., its entry in the land register¹¹. The formalization process has two main stages: first, obtaining a land certificate, and second, transforming this certificate into a private property title (called a land title) within three years. If the certificate is issued in the name of a family, lineage or village, its holders must divide the land among themselves to obtain individual title¹².

This law marks a reversal of the productivist philosophy of President Houphouët-Boigny: henceforth, 'land belongs to its owner and not to the person who develops it'¹³. The law recognizes customary land rights, but excludes non-Ivorians from ownership, who can only obtain an emphyteutic lease, defined as a long-term real estate lease. The law thus enshrines indigenous people as the only legitimate holders of property rights, to the detriment of non-Ivorian farmers who have access to land through various contractual arrangements¹⁴. This provision became constitutional in 2016.

^{Photographie: Publicité pour la certification foncière en Côte d’Ivoire (AFOR)}

The instability that marked the country from 1999 to 2011 hindered the implementation of the law. In 2017, the government of Alassane Ouattara issued a Declaration of Rural Land Policy aimed at securing the land rights of "customary holders, concessionaires and farmers" and increased the period of validity of certificates to 10 years before they are transformed into land titles (rather than three years as initially planned)¹⁵.

In reality, few Ivorians seek to secure their land. The cost of the procedures, administrative delays and the reluctance of people to pay the land tax once they have obtained their land title have contributed to giving the land certificate a wider legal scope than the law intended. However, even access to a land certificate remains difficult or impossible for migrants.

As Côte d'Ivoire is not traditionally a livestock country, the country's laws tend to ignore or restrict pastoral activities. The Law on rural land tenure, mainly concerning land for agricultural purposes, makes no reference to the land rights of pastoralists¹⁶. Law No. 2016-413 of 15 June 2016 on transhumance and livestock movements, for its part, aims to reduce and supervise the convoying of livestock on foot in order to reduce animal rambling and conflicts with farmers. This law mainly targets herders practicing transhumance from neighboring countries¹⁷. 

Land tenure system

The formal land tenure system in Côte d'Ivoire suffers from a number of ambiguities and overlaps. Nevertheless, it is possible to distinguish four main areas: the public domain, the rural domain, the urban domain and the forest domain. Each of these domains is governed by different laws and is composed of sub-categories. However, customary land management in rural and urban areas continues to prevail in Côte d'Ivoire. 

Types of land tenure in Côte d'Ivoire

Land use trends

Deforestation is a major trend in Côte d'Ivoire. Nearly 64% of the land is devoted to agriculture and extensive livestock, in a context where 68% of the active population works in the agricultural sector. The dense forests in the south and west, which used to cover a third of the territory, have decreased significantly since the colonial period. Deforestation, linked to sustained population growth and the expansion of cultivated areas, is contributing to the reduction of biodiversity, soil erosion and the pollution of rivers¹⁸.From 78,500 km2 in 1990, forest cover has dropped to 28,360 km2 in 2020 (for a national area of 322,462 km2 )1⁹. It is often reported in the media that Côte d'Ivoire has lost 80% of its forests since the country's independence in 1960.

Land transactions outside the legal framework are common in forest areas and have even intensified during the conflict years. Transfers between indigenous people and migrants include land sales and purchases, short-term leases and planter-shares. Planting-sharing is a form of contract for the creation of new plantations. This contract links an owner who provides the land and a farmer who finances and coordinates its cultivation. Production is divided between the two parties and the land reverts to the customary owner at the end of the farming period²⁰. 

Land investments and acquisitions

Although the government of Alassane Ouattara is making industrial agriculture an economic spearhead, the race for land by foreigners in Côte d'Ivoire seems less pronounced than elsewhere in Africa. New acquisitions since the 2000s have been mainly for the creation of medium-sized agro-industrial farms, the takeover of areas formerly exploited by state companies or the purchase of small agricultural areas by urban residents²¹. It should be remembered that land titles are legally accessible only to nationals. A study estimates that between 2000 and 2012, non-nationals nevertheless acquired 21% of all land transacted during this period (a total of 119,578 hectares), with the remainder (79%) obtained by nationals. These transactions were aimed at establishing agro-industrial operations and mining concessions. In order to gain access to land, foreign agricultural investors enter into contracts with the people who own the land. For example, Dekel-Oil, a subsidiary of the Israeli Rina Group producing palm oil, cultivates 2,000 hectares of land in exchange for one third of the profits from the sale to the landowners²². 

Since independence, rubber and palm cultivation has expanded in Côte d'Ivoire. By 2021, Côte d'Ivoire had become the fourth largest rubber producer in the world and the largest in Africa²³. In 2021, rubber plantations cover an area of 600,000 hectares, 60% of which are family orchards²⁴.

However, there are large farms controlled by foreign and Ivorian companies, including the Société Internationale des Plantations d'Hévéas, owned by Michelin and the Ivorian group SIFCA. This company cultivates 16,100 hectares under its own management, in addition to sourcing rubber from small producers. In addition to rubber, SIFCA is active in palm oil production (40,000 hectares) and sugar (14,000 hectares). SOCFIN, a Belgian multinational company, manages 23,900 hectares of plantations through the Société de Caoutchouc de Grand Béréby (SOGB). The local population often opposes the presence of these operations.

However, other attempts at large-scale land acquisition have failed in Côte d'Ivoire, such as an ambitious public-private partnership rice production project. This project proposed by Louis-Dreyfus Company aimed to grow 100,000 to 200,000 hectares of rice²⁵. 

Community land rights

Generally, the original inhabitants who cultivate the land in a given area, the Aboriginal people, are the customary owners. The designated land manager represents the family or lineage, to whom the land belongs collectively. Traditionally, customary rights to land are permanent and inalienable, meaning that they are passed on from generation to generation within the family or lineage unit.

Migrants do not enjoy the same land rights as natives. The regional settlement patterns of migrants that were established during the colonial period persist to this day. There are two main models in the south-eastern regions. The most common model is where migrants work as agricultural employees for the host families in return for annual remuneration. However, the landowners allow them to grow food crops on "loaned" plots each season. The second type of agricultural investment, known as "aboussouan", consists of sharing the fruits of sales at the end of the season between the owner and the worker (according to a distribution scheme of 2/3 for the owner and 1/3 for the farmer).

In the centre-west, the "tutorship" system forms the basis of agricultural investment. Migrants can access land through a "tutor" who grants them a right to use his customary property. This moral contract involves a fee. Once the native (i.e. the guardian) takes in a 'stranger', the latter must return the kindness in various forms. Migrants with such use rights are responsible for most of the coffee and cocoa production in Côte d'Ivoire²⁶. 

In Côte d'Ivoire, community land rights are frequently the subject of dispute. In the north and centre of the country, conflicts often pit farmers against herders in a context of increasing pressure on land. These areas are home to transhumant pastoralists from Mali or Burkina Faso, but also to sedentary Fulani who practice both livestock and agriculture. The herders, whether Ivorian or foreign, have only a right of use over the land where they graze their animals. Senufo farmers in the savannah are increasingly turning to mango and cashew cultivation, reducing the space available for their herds. The damage that the animals cause to crops in the fields is a source of tension. Vain grazing, i.e. the free availability of cultivated fields to feed livestock, is also increasingly being questioned with the imposition of access fees by landowners²⁷.
 

^{The Savanah with roniers (palm trees), Réserve de Faune d'Abokouamékro in Côte d’Ivoire, photo by l’Office ivoirien des parcs et réserves}

In the southern forest areas, tensions are mainly between indigenous communities and migrant farmers. During the 2010 post-election crisis, violence between ethnic groups was particularly acute in the west of the country, prompting several members of the Guéré and Yacouba communities to flee to Liberia. Several indigenous customary rights holders who left the region did not return to their lands for fear of reprisals following Ouattara's victory in 2011²⁸. Conflicts also have an intergenerational dimension insofar as several young indigenous people who have returned to their villages and have no clear prospects for the future accuse their elders of having 'sold off the land to migrants'²⁹.      

Government efforts to formalize customary land rights have been slow to bear fruit. Between 2010 and 2017, only about 4,000 land certificates were issued for a total area of 118,465 hectares, representing 0.5% of the final target³⁰. In 2021, this figure rises to 7,523 land certificates³¹. The land registration policy generates potentially incompatible and even conflicting expectations. On the one hand, indigenous people want to register their customary land to avoid losing control over it to migrants. On the other hand, the migrants want to have the past contractual transactions that give them access to these same lands recognised³². Actors with more economic or political power are more likely to resort to land certification. In the central-western and south-western zones, for example, applications for certificates have mainly been made by migrants who are now favoured by the authorities³³.

Women's land rights

The 2000 Constitution recognises gender equality. Law No.o 98-750 of 23 December 1998 on rural land remains silent on women's land rights: without providing for gender-based exclusion mechanisms, it does not explicitly promote women's access to land either³⁴.

The law merely recognises 'customary rights in accordance with traditions' or 'customary rights ceded to third parties'.

In practice, however, customary rules rarely allow women to access land ownership, participate in land management or inherit land. Women generally enjoy use rights as members of the family unit³⁵. Women tend to dedicate their land to food crops for self-consumption. There are exceptions, however. Women belonging to the economic, administrative or political elite sometimes own their own cocoa or palm plantations, which they acquire by purchase or as part of a sharecropping scheme. 
 

^{A woman transports ignames, Côte d’Ivoire, photo by The UN-REDD Programme (CC BY-NC 2.0 license)}

Decision-making related to land management is also usually reserved for men (heads of families, lineage chiefs or village chiefs as the case may be). Although inheritance rules vary among ethnic groups, female children are generally excluded from inheritance. However, some matrilineal societies in the south-east 'allow women to inherit land from their family of origin' or grant land 'to male heirs through their mothers'³⁶. In the latter case, land inheritance is passed from the uncle to his sisters' sons.

In sum, the issuance of land certificates or titles for women is virtually impossible under the rules of customary law³⁷ , especially in patrilineal societies. Gender inequalities are reflected in the implementation of the rural land policy. As of June 2021, only 11% of land certificates issued have been granted to women³⁸. In the matrilineal areas of the southeast, the number of land certificates obtained by women is higher than in the central-western and southwestern areas. However, the certificates are collective in order to avoid intra-family conflicts should there be a fragmentation of land.

Urban Land Tenure

Until the mid-1970s, population movements in Côte d'Ivoire were marked by a modest rate of rural-urban emigration, followed by a period of stagnation. Between 1988 and at least 1998, however, the trend was reversed: urban emigration increased to such an extent that the country embarked on a de-urbanization movement. Migration from the cities to the countryside is a response by young people to growing poverty in urban areas, but it also fuels inter-generational and inter-ethnic land conflicts, both in forest and savannah areas³⁹. In 2018, it is estimated that 49.2% of the Ivorian population still lives in the countryside⁴⁰ . The urban population is growing at an annual rate of 3.4% in 2020, compared to 4.5% in 1990⁴¹. 

Like the countryside, urban areas are marked by the persistence of customary management and informal land transactions. However, Ordinance No. 2013-481 of 2 July 2013 setting out the rules for acquiring ownership of urban land does not recognise the existence of customary rights in urban areas (unlike the texts of the law on rural land tenure). Technically, only the state can sell land already parcelled out and registered in its name. In practice, however, the shortage of state-owned building land leads applicants to approach customary owners directly. These landowners identify the land to be given up in order to proceed with a village subdivision that will be registered in the name of the State. The allotment is then unofficially returned to the customary owners who receive the profits from the sale. The land thus transferred is eventually regularized by the authorities, who issue a land title and then a final concession order (ACD) to the new buyer⁴².

Many urban residents, however, do not own a DCO on the land they occupy and therefore own only their homes. There are many informal settlements in urban and peri-urban areas⁴³. The sprawl of many cities is also reducing the amount of rural or peri-urban land devoted to agriculture. 

^{Aerial view from Abdijan, Côte d’Ivoire's capital, photo by Basile Zoma/United Nations Photo (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0 license)}

On August 14, 2020, the government promulgated the Code of Urban Planning and Urban Land Tenure, which brings together in a single law all the decrees and orders dealing with land issues in urban areas. In 2021, the government has embarked on a reform to proceed upstream with the "massive titling of urban land parcels", i.e. at the time of approval of subdivisions and no longer when an application for a final concession order is submitted downstream⁴⁴.More broadly, the reform aims to reduce the complexity and costs associated with the procedures for obtaining a final concession order. 

Voluntary Guidelines on Responsible Tenure (VGGT)

The Rural Land Law of 23 December 1998 was developed well before the adoption of the Voluntary Guidelines. Although Côte d'Ivoire mentions the Voluntary Guidelines in its 2017 Rural Land Policy Declaration, the Declaration does not specify how its principles and recommendations apply in the context of the implementation of the Land Law⁴⁵.

Timeline - milestones in land governance

1960: Independence of the country and arrival in power of President Félix Houphouët-Boigny, who encourages the plantation economy in the forest areas

1960-1980: Period of economic growth and sustained migration to forest areas. Urban emigration continues until at least the year 2000.

1998: Adoption of Law No. 98-750 of 23 December 1998 on rural land ownership

1999: Coup d'état ousting Henri Konan Bédié from power and interrupting the implementation of the Law on rural land tenure

2002: Aborted coup d'état targeting Laurent Gbagbo, followed by land disputes until 2007

2010-2011: Post-election violence and population displacement

2013: Publication of Ordinance No. 2013-481 of July 2, 2013, laying down the rules for the acquisition of ownership of urban land

2016: Creation of the Rural Land Agency (Afor), in charge of implementing the Rural Land Law

2017: Adoption of the Rural Land Policy Declaration of Côte d'Ivoire

2019 : Revision of legislative texts and adoption of Law No. 2019-675 of 23 July 2019 on the Forestry Code

2020: Adoption of the Code of Urban Planning and Urban Land Tenure

Where to go next?

The author's suggestions for further reading

To understand urban land dynamics, I recommend an article by socio-economist Valentin Kouakou Kra. He examines how previously neglected areas (the "lowlands") allocated to migrant market gardeners are now coveted by indigenous Bauli and municipal officials. In the context of urbanization and land scarcity, these spaces are being taken over for the construction of houses, thus reducing the fields dedicated to urban agriculture.

If you prefer to learn more about land certification processes, I suggest a report by Catherine Boone, Arsène Brice Bado, Aristide Mah Dion and Zibo Irigo. In this publication, the authors examine how regional differences influence the demand for land certification from 2004 to 2017. The study identifies economic, demographic and political variables that explain heterogeneous and even conflicting preferences for land certification. 

References

[1] USAID. 2017. Côte d’Ivoire– Property Rights and Resource Governance Profile. URL : https://landportal.org/library/resources/property-rights-and-resource-governance-profile. https://www.gouv.ci/_geographie.php

[2] Kouamé, Georges. 2018. La loi foncière rurale ivoirienne de 1998 à la croisée des chemins : vers un aménagement du cadre légal et des procédures?, Paris: Comité technique « Foncier & développement », AFD and MEAE. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/la-loi-fonci%C3%A8re-rurale-ivoirienne-de-1998-%C3%A0-la-crois%C3%A9e-des-chemins-vers-un.

[3] Mitchell, Matthew I. 2014. « Land tenure reform and politics in post-conflict Côte d’Ivoire: A precarious peace in the western cocoa regions ». Canadian Journal of African Studies/ La Revue canadienne des études africaines no 48 (2):203–221. URL : https://landportal.org/library/resources/land-tenure-reform-and-politics-post-conflict-c%C3%B4te-d%E2%80%99ivoire.

[4] USAID. 2017. Côte d’Ivoire– Property Rights and Resource Governance Profile ; URL : https://landportal.org/library/resources/property-rights-and-resource-governance-profile.

[5] Kouamé, Georges. 2018. La loi foncière rurale ivoirienne de 1998 à la croisée des chemins : vers un aménagement du cadre légal et des procédures ?, Paris: Comité technique « Foncier & développement », AFD and MEAE. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/la-loi-fonci%C3%A8re-rurale-ivoirienne-de-1998-%C3%A0-la-crois%C3%A9e-des-chemins-vers-un. USAID. 2017. Côte d’Ivoire– Property Rights and Resource Governance Profile. URL : https://landportal.org/library/resources/property-rights-and-resource-governance-profile.

[6] Chauveau, Jean-Pierre, and Jean-Philippe Colin. 2014. La question foncière à l’épreuve de la reconstruction en Côte d’Ivoire. Promouvoir la propriété privée ou stabiliser la reconnaissance sociale des droits ?, Cahiers du Pôle Foncier. Montpellier: Cirad, IAMM, IRD and SupAgro. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/la-question-fonci%C3%A8re-%C3%A0-l%E2%80%99%C3%A9preuve-de-la-reconstruction-en-c%C3%B4te-d%E2%80%99ivoire.

[7] Mitchell, Matthew I. 2014. « Land tenure reform and politics in post-conflict Côte d’Ivoire: A precarious peace in the western cocoa regions ». Canadian Journal of African Studies/ La Revue canadienne des études africaines no 48 (2):203–221. URL : https://landportal.org/library/resources/land-tenure-reform-and-politics-post-conflict-c%C3%B4te-d%E2%80%99ivoire.

[8] Kouamé, Georges. 2018. La loi foncière rurale ivoirienne de 1998 à la croisée des chemins : vers un aménagement du cadre légal et des procédures ?, Paris: Comité technique « Foncier & développement », AFD and MEAE. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/la-loi-fonci%C3%A8re-rurale-ivoirienne-de-1998-%C3%A0-la-crois%C3%A9e-des-chemins-vers-un.

[9] Chauveau, Jean-Pierre, and Jean-Philippe Colin. 2014. La question foncière à l’épreuve de la reconstruction en Côte d’Ivoire. Promouvoir la propriété privée ou stabiliser la reconnaissance sociale des droits ?, Cahiers du Pôle Foncier. Montpellier: Cirad, IAMM, IRD and SupAgro. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/la-question-fonci%C3%A8re-%C3%A0-l%E2%80%99%C3%A9preuve-de-la-reconstruction-en-c%C3%B4te-d%E2%80%99ivoire.

[10] Mitchell, Matthew I. 2014. « Land tenure reform and politics in post-conflict Côte d’Ivoire: A precarious peace in the western cocoa regions ». Canadian Journal of African Studies/ La Revue canadienne des études africaines no 48 (2):203–221. URL : https://landportal.org/library/resources/land-tenure-reform-and-politics-post-conflict-c%C3%B4te-d%E2%80%99ivoire.

[11] USAID. 2017. Côte d’Ivoire– Property Rights and Resource Governance Profile ; URL : https://landportal.org/library/resources/property-rights-and-resource-governance-profile.

[12] Kouamé, Georges. 2018. La loi foncière rurale ivoirienne de 1998 à la croisée des chemins : vers un aménagement du cadre légal et des procédures ?, Paris: Comité technique « Foncier & développement », AFD and MEAE. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/la-loi-fonci%C3%A8re-rurale-ivoirienne-de-1998-%C3%A0-la-crois%C3%A9e-des-chemins-vers-un.

[13] Koné, Mariatou. 2006. « Quelles lois pour résoudre les problèmes liés au foncier en Côte d’Ivoire? » Grain de sel, septembre-novembre. URL :https://landportal.org/library/resources/quelles-lois-pour-re%CC%81soudre-les-proble%CC%80mes-lie%CC%81s-au-foncier-en-co%CC%82te-d%E2%80%99ivoire.

[14] Mitchell, Matthew I. 2014. « Land tenure reform and politics in post-conflict Côte d’Ivoire: A precarious peace in the western cocoa regions ». Canadian Journal of African Studies/ La Revue canadienne des études africaines no. 48 (2):203–221. URL : https://landportal.org/library/resources/land-tenure-reform-and-politics-post-conflict-c%C3%B4te-d%E2%80%99ivoire. 

[15] Kouamé, Georges. 2018. La loi foncière rurale ivoirienne de 1998 à la croisée des chemins : vers un aménagement du cadre légal et des procédures?, Paris: Comité technique « Foncier & développement », AFD and MEAE. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/la-loi-fonci%C3%A8re-rurale-ivoirienne-de-1998-%C3%A0-la-crois%C3%A9e-des-chemins-vers-un.

[16] Soro, Débégnoun Marcelline. 2021. « Le pastoralisme d’élevage à l’épreuve de la sécurisation foncière en Côte d’Ivoire : Analyse prospective à partir du cas de Tienko en zone de savane. » Akofena no. 4 (2):125-138. URL : https://www.revue-akofena.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/10-T04-94-Debegnoun-Marcelline-SORO-pp.125-138.pdf.

[17] USAID. 2017. Côte d’Ivoire– Property Rights and Resource Governance Profile. URL : https://landportal.org/library/resources/property-rights-and-resource-governance-profile.

[18] USAID. 2017. Côte d’Ivoire– Property Rights and Resource Governance Profile. URL : https://landportal.org/library/resources/property-rights-and-resource-governance-profile.

[19] Abroba, Jérôme Ake, Don Sun Sunda, and Jean-Luc Kouassi. 2020. Évaluation des ressources forestières mondiales 2020 - Rapport Côte d'Ivoire. Rome: FAO. URL: https://www.fao.org/3/cb0126fr/cb0126fr.pdf.

[20] Chauveau, Jean-Pierre, and Jean-Philippe Colin. 2014. La question foncière à l’épreuve de la reconstruction en Côte d’Ivoire. Promouvoir la propriété privée ou stabiliser la reconnaissance sociale des droits ?, Cahiers du Pôle Foncier. Montpellier: Cirad, IAMM, IRD and SupAgro. URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/la-question-fonci%C3%A8re-%C3%A0-l%E2%80%99%C3%A9preuve-de-la-reconstruction-en-c%C3%B4te-d%E2%80%99ivoire.

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[22] COPAGEN, Inter Pares et REDTAC. 2015. Touche pas à ma terre, c’est ma vie ! URL: https://landportal.org/library/resources/978-2-9815170-0-5/touche-pas-a%CC%80-ma-terre-c%E2%80%99est-ma-vie.

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