Uruguay- Context and Land Governance

^{Punta Ballena, Maldonado, photo by Jimmy Baikovicius, Flickr, CC BY-SA 2.0 DEED}

Uruguay is considered to have been the site of the first agrarian reform in Latin America, promoted by José Gervasio Artigas in 1815. However, some authors question the real existence of an agrarian reform at the hands of the Instituto Nacional de Colonización (National Institute of Colonization - INC) -an institution created in 1948 to manage access to public lands- , since it did not involve a democratic and massive reordering of the territory due in large part to the lack of resources. ³

Land governance in Uruguay has been characterized by the presence of public limited companies as one of the most active players in the land market, by the presence of foreign capital, and by private ownership and sale and purchase being the prevailing modes of land tenure and access to land. One aspect that distinguishes Uruguay from other countries in the region is that the concentration of land in the hands of public limited companies has not led to the expansion of the agricultural frontier, but rather to the withdrawal of small and medium-sized producers.⁴ This has prevented the existence of illegal or violent forms of access to land.

Land legislation and regulations

The Constitution of Uruguay (1967, amended in 1997) stipulates that property is an inviolable right but subject to laws that safeguard the general interest (art. 32).⁵ Only in case of necessity or public utility established by law may a person be deprived of his or her right to property through fair and prior compensation. The Constitution does not refer to the land issue explicitly.

Land governance in Uruguay has gone through stages of state intervention and deregulation. State intervention for access to land has been exercised mainly through the INC, created by Law 11.029 (1948) to favor a rational subdivision of land, its adequate exploitation and to promote rural development.⁶ One of the challenges faced by the INC since its creation has been the lack of resources necessary for its operation, which has been reflected in its low performance, particularly between the years 1959-1968 and 1979-2004. In those periods the land area incorporated by the INC was less than an average of 24,350 hectares.⁷ This led some analysts to question the definition of its performance as "agrarian reform" since it did not involve a massive distribution of land.⁸ At present, the INC has affected almost 546,000 hectares, which represents 24% of the area occupied by family production and 3% of the national agricultural area.⁹

Since the 1990s, neoliberal-oriented policies facilitated the deregulation of land governance which, together with the increase in commodity prices, resulted in land grabbing.¹⁰ In addition, a system of insecure leases was generated, which in 2011 affected 26% of the national area and 14% of producers. The instability came in part from leaving the term of the lease to the discretion of the parties (according to art. 1 of Law 16223 of Rural Leases of 1991)¹¹ with the only limitation of article 1782 of the Civil Code which establishes 15 years as the limit for leases, or 30 years in cases of forestation and water damming.¹²

Land grabbing reduced the number of small producers due to difficulties in leasing and buying land, the price of which increased significantly.¹³ The State's response to this situation was Law 18092 (2007) to prevent the ownership of rural real estate and agricultural property rights from being exercised by public limited companies. The exceptions to the law granted by the Executive Branch make it impossible to know exactly to what extent the productive surface is foreignized in the public limited companies, nor whether other States participate in the shares of the "public limited companies with legal contracts".¹⁴ Law 19283 (2014), which aims to discourage foreign States from investing in productive land in Uruguay, also grants exceptions by empowering the Executive Branch to authorize such States to maintain a minority and non-controlling interest in the property (art. 3), and by admitting pre-law tenure situations (art. 8). ¹⁵

Land tenure classifications

The types of land tenure in Uruguay recorded in the censuses of the Ministry of Livestock, Agriculture and Fisheries (Ministerio de Ganadería, Agricultura y Pesca - MGAP) are: ownership, lease, sharecropping, occupation and grazing.¹⁶ In recent times, land leasing for agricultural use has been on the rise. According to official figures, 2,739 leases were made in 2022, 8% more than the previous year, exceeding 948,000 hectares, 40,000 more than in 2021.¹⁷

Within the public ownership of land, the INC's patrimony stands out, within which the regimes granted to settlers, according to Law 11029, are: ownership (although affected to the general interest), lease, sharecropping, emphyteusis and precarious enjoyment. ¹⁸

The maximum number of parcels awarded in property is one for each settler, although the settler may acquire one more for each two children living and working with him (Art. 67). The lands adjudicated in property by the INC may be expropriated at any time and from any owner, when the subdivided land is concentrated or subdivided in an excessive way, is not exploited or is exploited in a way that distorts the purpose of the colonization (art. 71).

At present, land adjudications by the INC can take two forms: Associative Production Units (Unidades de Producción Asociativa - UPA) or Family Production Units (Unidades de Producción Familiar - UPF). Of the 3,240 production units awarded, 2,930 are family units and 310 are associative.¹⁹ The UPFs may be individually owned, co-owned by a husband and wife or concubine, or other co-ownership. The UPFs occupy about 78% of the area affected by the INC and the UPAs occupy 22% of the area, both occupying a total of 481,364 hectares.²⁰ Regarding the geographical distribution of the production units, almost half (48%) are located in the regions of San José, Paysandú, Tarariras and Canelones.²¹ In 2019, INC lands occupied 610,304 hectares. More than half (53%) was given in lease to UPAs and UPFs and 39% is owned by colonos/as.²²

The lease may be with a fixed, movable or progressive price, with or without a purchase option or promise of purchase and sale (art. 7). In very special circumstances the leasing of fractions of an area greater than 1000 hectares for a term not exceeding one year may be authorized (art. 21).

The sharecropping may be with a fixed or variable fee or proportional to the product of the exploitation, with or without an option to buy or with a promise to buy or sell (article 7).

Emphiteusis takes place when the land is granted for a term longer than that of the lease or for life, with the charge to the emphyteuta to cultivate and improve it and to pay an annual fixed or variable fee, in cash or in kind (art. 7), although this form of tenancy is no longer used. Precarious enjoyment occurs when the exploitation is carried out for a trial period (art. 7). The prices of the leases, the fee for emphyteusis and the percentage of sharecropping are awarded on the basis of their productive capacity and exploitation possibilities, without prejudice to increases due to improvements (section 65).

Although provided for by law, land expropriation has not been practiced for 50 years. The main mechanism used by the INC to acquire land for colonization is the purchase of land in the market. Data from the 2011 Census²³ show a decrease in registered holdings (44,781), 23,581 less than in 1980 but an increase in area reaching 16,357,298 hectares in 2011 compared to 16,024,656 hectares in 1980.²⁴ These data suggest a concentration of land by increasing the number of hectares per person from 61 in 1980 to 153 in 2011. Of the 44,781 registered holdings, the vast majority are 20 to 49 hectares (15.4%) and 200 to 499 hectares (14.5%).²⁵

Sixty-one percent of the farms surveyed are owned, 13% are leased, 11% are owner/lessees and 2.5% are occupiers. These figures are very similar to those of the year 2000 with the difference of a decrease of a little less than half in occupancy and a slight increase in owner-occupancy.

^{Rice cultivation, photo by Alliance of Bioversity International and CIAT, Flickr, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 DEED}

Land use trends

Land use in Uruguay has been linked mainly to livestock, agriculture and forestry. Official data from 2022 show that more than 13 million hectares are dedicated to livestock. Agricultural-livestock land use exceeds two million hectares.²⁶ Livestock is mainly cattle, with more than 11 million head, and sheep, with more than 6 million head.²⁷ Cattle raising is the main activity in the north, where there is a greater concentration of land. In the south and in the littoral area there are more family farms dedicated to dairy farming.²⁸ In relation to livestock, Uruguay distinguishes in the measurement of land use between natural pastures and improved pastures, the latter being natural pastures to which new leguminous plants and better native or imported pasture species are introduced to increase their productivity. In 2022, almost 81% of the total area devoted to grazing was natural pasture and the rest was improved pasture.²⁹

Livestock is also predominant on family farms on INC-affected lands: 47% are engaged in livestock farming, 24% in dairy farming and 23% in agriculture-livestock activities.³⁰

Regarding agriculture, seasonal cereal and industrial crops such as wheat, barley, rapeseed, corn, sorghum and soybeans occupy about 1.2 million hectares.³¹ These are followed by rice cultivation, especially in the east and north of the country, occupying 152,000 hectares, and to a lesser extent citrus (14,3000 hectares), horticulture (9,763 hectares), vineyards (5,966 hectares), olive trees (5,800 hectares), fruit trees (4,319 hectares) and potato (3,805 hectares).³²

One of the main concerns of the Uruguayan agricultural sector is soil erosion. Law 15,239 of 1981 on the use and conservation of soil and surface water for agricultural purposes requires farmers to apply techniques to recover the soil and prevent soil erosion and degradation, as well as to ensure the conservation of rainwater.³³ To this end, as of 2008, they must submit Responsible Soil Use and Management Plans that set out a projected production system or rotation, which determines a tolerable erosion taking into account the soils of the property, the sequence of crops and management practices.³⁴ Among the measures adopted for this purpose are the planned rotation with mostly direct sowing, avoiding "bare" soils mainly in winter, and the increase of the area with summer grasses or their transition to pasture phase. The goal of submitting 95% of the agricultural area to these Plans by 2025 was exceeded in 2019 with 95.5% of the area.³⁵

Forestry land use has grown significantly in recent years due to the commercial nature of Uruguay's forests. The State has boosted forestry activity through policies to favor forestry investment and the installation of three pulp mills in free trade zones. This attracted investments to this sector as evidenced by the fact that 76% of the land access applications by public limited companies between 2007 and 2020 were for forestry.³⁶ In fact, one of the main players in the land market have been large forestry companies such as Montes del Plata, UPM, Global Forest Partners and Weyerhauser, which make long-term investments given the production cycle of eucalyptus and pine.³⁷ One of the largest forestry companies is Finnish-owned Forestal Oriental, which owns 305,000 hectares and leases 167,000 hectares mainly for pulp production.³⁸

Forests can be native or planted, and in total occupy an area of about 1,900,000 hectares. ³⁹ Data from 2021 indicate a planted forest coverage in Uruguay of 1,103,686 hectares, which indicates a progressive and continued high growth from 148,614 hectares of planted forests in 1981.⁴⁰ The most forested departments are Tacuarembó, Rivera, Río Negro and Paysandú with more than 100,000 hectares of forests.⁴¹

^{Cattle in Paysandú, photo by Eduardo Amorim, Flickr, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 DEED}

Mining has not been a priority in Uruguay, although between 2007 and 2014 more attention was paid to it given the rise in commodity prices caused by high demand and a reduction in supply at the international level.⁴² One of the legal measures that activated the mining sector was Law 19,126 on Large Scale Mining (2013), which granted the status of "large scale mining" to certain mining initiatives.⁴³ Mega-mining projects such as Aratirí, to exploit iron in the departments of Durazno, Florida and Treinta y Tres, caused a public debate around the concept of "sustainable mining", right to territory and social and economic impacts of mining activity.⁴⁴ The mining resources in Uruguay are ornamental and semi precious rocks, gold and aggregates for construction.⁴⁵

Land investments and acquisitions

The land market in Uruguay has been characterized by land concentration and foreign ownership. Various structural conditions and political and legal decisions have led to and favored both phenomena. Among the structural conditions are the increase in the price of commodities and the tendencies towards land concentration and the prevalence of private property, leading to the fact that the form of access to land has been largely reduced to sale and purchase.⁴⁶ This condition has favored the acquisition of land by corporations and public limited companies, the latter becoming one of the most active players in the Uruguayan land market. In fact, of the eight million hectares sold since 2001, 61% were purchased by public limited companies, mostly with foreign capital.⁴⁷ This led to a significant transfer of ownership from individuals to public limited companies and involved the loss of 8,000 family farmers.⁴⁸

In addition, agribusiness is conceived as a way to generate foreign exchange for the country. This explains the design of policies and laws favorable to attracting foreign investment in the agrarian sector, such as, for example, subsidies and tax exemptions for forestry companies (Law 15939), making land leasing more flexible (Law 16223) and tax exemptions for foreign direct investment (Law 16906), among others. The increase in foreign ownership of land is reflected in the decrease in the percentage of Uruguayan landowners in 2000 (90%) and in 2011 (50%).⁴⁹

The increase in inequalities due to land concentration and the perceived loss of sovereignty due to its foreignization has led to several attempts to limit both phenomena, the most recent in 2020.⁵⁰ One of the attempts was by restricting access to land to public limited companies through Law 18.092 (2007). However, months later, this law was modified to make the restriction more flexible by establishing a model whereby public limited companies had to apply to the MGAP to access the ownership of rural real estate and agricultural and livestock farms.⁵¹ Between 2007 and 2020, the MGAP approved applications equivalent to 40% of the country's agricultural land.⁵²

Two other phenomena that have characterized the Uruguayan land market are investment through investment funds, pension funds and trust funds, and indirect investment by foreign states, including Finland, Singapore, China, Germany, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Japan and Norway. These investments are characterized by being small in size, except for those in pulp mills in free trade zones, and by being in low-risk activities. According to some analysts, this can be understood as responding more to a geopolitical strategy of presence in the Southern Cone than to a purely financial strategy to obtain high profits.⁵³ Likewise, there are no illegalities in the arrival and expansion of these companies. 

 ^{Sustainable livestock farming in Uruguay, photo by FAO, Flickr, CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 DEED}

Women's land rights

The INC includes a gender dimension in its land access policy that includes actions such as the transfer of resources to support rural women,⁵⁴ access to financing credits for the development of their productive ventures⁵⁵ and gender training for civil servants,⁵⁶ among others. Since 2018, this work was assisted by the incorporation of gender-disaggregated indicators in INC statistics and, at the institutional level, by the creation of the Interinstitutional Space for Rural Women's Dialogue and the development of the Rural Women's Agenda.⁵⁷

One of the factors that have made a difference in women's access to land in Uruguay is the application since 2015 of conjugal and concubinary co-ownership for new leases to UPFs and approved by Law 19,781 in 2019.⁵⁸ The law recognizes joint ownership when both members of the couple, whether constituted in de facto, civil or marital unions, have a settler profile, devote most of their working time to the household and direct productive exploitation and that this is their main source of income.⁵⁹

Based on this recognition, an increase in female ownership of family farms from 11% in 2014 to 34% in 2023 was detected.⁶⁰ Data from 2015-2022 show co-ownership as largely responsible for the increase in female land ownership: over 90% of awards to women on average.⁶¹ Recent data show a higher percentage of spousal/concubinary UPFs in the regions of Florida, San José and Tacuarembó.⁶² Conjugal/concubinary joint ownership is the most frequent form of access among women (49%), compared to individual ownership (37%) and other joint ownership (14%).⁶³ Farms with female ownership accounted for 21% of the area occupied by UPFs in 2019.⁶⁴

The National Plan for Gender in Agricultural Policies (PNG Agro), designed in 2020, is currently being implemented. Five specific calls for women's access to land were approved for this plan, of which three have been carried out so far.⁶⁵ One of the strategies INC is working on to increase the percentage of women land holders is the incorporation of women at the time of lease renewal. Official data from 2023 indicate that women holders of UPF under lease represent 37% of the total number of holders and occupy 30% of the land in this modality, which still shows significant differences with respect to men.⁶⁶

Where to go next?

The author's suggestion for further reading

Climate change is a challenge that requires long-term adaptation plans. The Estudio de Caso de Uruguay (Uruguay Case Study (2017), published by FAO and UNDP, analyzes the steps to be taken to adapt the Uruguayan agricultural sector to the climate change that is already affecting the country.⁶⁷ The study also draws lessons from the implementation of the National Plan for Adaptation to Climate Variability and Change for the Agricultural Sector of Uruguay (PNA-Agro) in Uruguay and aims to provide valuable information from other countries to policy makers.

Land concentration in the hands of corporations and public limited companies have significantly affected family farming in Uruguay. In the article "La producción familiar en la región noreste del Uruguay: una mirada desde el territorio rural", published in Agrociencia Uruguay, the authors describe the changes in agrarian territories in the region due to the territorial expansion of agribusinesses through soybean monoculture and the intensification of forestry, and their impact on rural migration processes to the cities.⁶⁸

A high percentage of the Uruguayan population lives in urban areas, indicating a significant development of cities in the South American country. However, the perception is that despite reaching levels of urbanization similar to those of developed countries, Uruguay has not obtained the same benefits.⁶⁹ The Development Bank of Latin America's report Crecimiento urbano y acceso a oportunidades: un desafío para América Latina (Urban Growth and Access to Opportunities: a Challenge for Latin America) (2017), although regional in nature, explains the urban situation in Uruguay.⁷⁰

Timeline - milestones in land governance

1815 - Agrarian Reform

The Agrarian Reform promoted by José Gervasio Artigas is considered the first agrarian reform in Latin America. It consisted of the confiscation of properties of those considered adversaries of the patriotic revolution in order to distribute them among the popular bases.

1830-1835 - Agrarian Counter-Reformation

The Constitution of the Republic of Uruguay of 1830 recreated the cattle latifundia. 1875 - Creation of the Rural Code The Rural Code established measures to fix the ownership of land and livestock through the regularization of titles, marks and signs, the expansion of wire fences, forced medianería and a strong repression of cattle theft such as the authorization to kill the thief in case of escape. The severity of the measures caused some people to lose their land because they could not afford the costs of fencing.

1948 - Creation of the National Colonization Institute (Instituto Nacional de Colonización - INC)

The INC was created with the mission of promoting a rational subdivision of land and its adequate exploitation, seeking to increase and improve agricultural production and the welfare of rural workers.

1984 - Signing of the National Programmatic Agreement (Concertación Nacional Programática - CONAPRO)

With the recovery of democracy, political parties and some social organizations signed this programmatic agreement, which included a proposal to limit or prohibit the purchase of land by non-resident foreigners as a response to the foreignization of land in Uruguay.

1990s - Liberalization of the land market

In the 1990s, policies were designed and laws were passed to attract foreign investment in the agricultural sector through tax exemptions and more flexible access to land.

2003 - Colonization Bureau

In a broad social and political articulation, alternative mechanisms to the de-financing and liquidation of the INC were sought, and a proposal was made to the government of the day to define strategic sectors to be prioritized with the allocation of land.

2005 - Expansion of access to land

Law 17,777, which regulates companies, associations and civil societies with an agrarian purpose, passed in 2005, was aimed at facilitating access to land for popular sectors and unions.

2007 - Restrictions on corporations

Law 18,092, passed in 2007, restricted access to land to public limited companies, although subsequent exceptions continued to allow such entities to be one of the main players in the Uruguayan land market. Funds for land acquisition were also awarded in 2007 and 2011.

2019 - Co-ownership of the land

Law 19,781 approves joint ownership of land, one of the measures that has most favored women's access to land in Uruguay.

Reference

[1] World Bank (2020). Población urbana (%) Uruguay.

[2] World Bank. Uruguay: panorama general.

[3] Díaz, P. (2015). Políticas públicas y el problema de la tierra en el Uruguay actual. Movimiento Regional por la Tierra.

[4] Díaz, I., Sum, T. y Achkar, M. (2023). “Territorialización de las Sociedades Anónimas (SA) en Uruguay: Acaparamiento y Extranjerización”. Iberoamericana-Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, 52(1).

[5] Constitución de la República. (1967).

[6] Ley No. 11029. Instituto Nacional de Colonización. Creación. Colonización de Tierras. (1948).

[7] Díaz, P. (2015). Políticas públicas y el problema de la tierra en el Uruguay actual. Movimiento Regional por la Tierra.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Instituto Nacional de Colonización. El INC en el territorio.

[10] Díaz, P. (2015). Políticas públicas y el problema de la tierra en el Uruguay actual. Movimiento Regional por la Tierra.

[11] Ley No. 16223 de Arrendamientos Rurales. (1991).

[12] Código Civil 16603. (1994)

[13] Díaz, P. (2015). Políticas públicas y el problema de la tierra en el Uruguay actual. Movimiento Regional por la Tierra.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Ley No. 19283 Declaración de interés general la preservación y defensa de la plena soberanía del Estado uruguayo en relación a los recursos naturales y la tierra. (2014).

[16] Ministerio de Ganadería, Agricultura y Pesca. Censo General Agropecuario 2011.

[17] Oficina de Estadísticas Agropecuarias. (2023). Serie “Precio de la Tierra”. Arrendamientos 2022. Ministerio de Ganadería, Agricultura y Pesca.

[18] Ley No. 11029 Instituto Nacional de Colonización. (1948).

[19] Instituto Nacional de Colonización. Unidades de producción.

[20] Instituto Nacional de Colonización. (2019). Documento No. 3: Acceso a la tierra desde una perspectiva de género.

[21] Ibid.

[22] Ibid.

[23] El Censo General Agropecuario de 2022 está en proceso de realización al escribir este informe.

[24] Ministerio de Ganadería, Agricultura y Pesca. (2011). Censo General Agropecuario 2011. Resultados definitivos.

[25] Ibid.

[26] Ministerio de Ganadería, Agricultura y Pesca. Anuario Estadístico Agropecuario 2022.

[27] Ibid.

[28] Instituto Nacional de Colonización (INC). (2019). Documento No. 3: Acceso a la tierra desde una perspectiva de género.

[29] Ministerio de Ganadería, Agricultura y Pesca. Anuario Estadístico Agropecuario 2022.

[30] Instituto Nacional de Colonización (INC). Datos Productivos.

[31] Ministerio de Ganadería, Agricultura y Pesca. Anuario Estadístico Agropecuario 2022.

[32] Ibid.

[33] Decreto Ley 15239. (1981). Declaración de interés nacional. Uso y conservación de los suelos y de las aguas superficiales destinados a fines agropecuarios.

[34] Ministerio de Ganadería, Agricultura y Pesca. (2019). Actualización del Manual de medidas exigibles para cultivos y pasturas: Instructivo para la elaboración y presentación de Planes de Uso y Manejo Responsable de Suelos.; Decreto 405 Regulación de Uso y Conservación de Suelos y Aguas Superficiales. (2008).

[35] SNRCC. (2019). Planes de Uso y Manejo del Suelo. Ficha Técnica No. 90.

[36] Díaz, I., Sum, T. y Achkar, M. (2023). “Territorialización de las Sociedades Anónimas (SA) en Uruguay: Acaparamiento y Extranjerización”. Iberoamericana-Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, 52(1).

[37] OyhantÇabal Benelli, G. (2021). “Los dueños de la tierra (y de la renta) en Uruguay, 2000-2020”. In Geymonat, Los de arriba: estudios sobre la riqueza en Uruguay. FUCVAM.

[38] UPM Forestal Oriental. Informe Público 2022.

[39] Ministerio de Ganadería, Agricultura y Pesca. Anuario Estadístico Agropecuario 2022.

[40] Dirección General Forestal. (2022). Superficie Forestal del Uruguay 2022. Bosques Plantados. Ministerio de Ganadería, Agricultura y Pesca.

[41] Ministerio de Ganadería, Agricultura y Pesca. (2021). Resultados Cartografía Forestal 2021.

[42] Rieiro, A. y Posada, V. (2015). “Megaminería en Uruguay: conflictos estructurantes de un nuevo campo en disputa”. Revista Nera 18 (28).

[43] Ley No. 19.126 Aprobación de la Ley de Minería de Gran Porte. (2013).

[44] Rieiro, A. (2015). "Megaminería en Uruguay: conflictos estructurantes de un nuevo campo en disputa". Revista NERA 18 (28).

[45] Ministerio de Industria, Energía y Minería. (2021). “El desafío de Uruguay en el área minera es incorporar valor agregado a los recursos, dijo Verri”.

[46] Díaz, I., Sum, T. y Achkar, M. (2023). “Territorialización de las Sociedades Anónimas (SA) en Uruguay: Acaparamiento y Extranjerización”. Iberoamericana-Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, 52(1).

[47] Ministerio de Agricultura, Pesca y Alimentación. Gobierno de España. (2020). El Gobierno de Uruguay pretende limitar la adquisición de tierras a capital extranjero. Noticias del Exterior.

[48] Ibid.

[49]Díaz, I., Sum, T. y Achkar, M. (2023). “Territorialización de las Sociedades Anónimas (SA) en Uruguay: Acaparamiento y Extranjerización”. Iberoamericana-Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies, 52(1).

[50] Ministerio de Agricultura, Pesca y Alimentación. Gobierno de España. (2020). El Gobierno de Uruguay pretende limitar la adquisición de tierras a capital extranjero. Noticias del Exterior

[51] Díaz, I., Sum, T. y Achkar, M. (2023). “Territorialización de las Sociedades Anónimas (SA) en Uruguay: Acaparamiento y Extranjerización”. Iberoamericana-Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies,

[52] Ibid.

[53] Ibid.

[54] Melgarejo, A. (2023). “Tres grupos de mujeres rurales recibieron tierra de Colonización en Canelones y Florida”. La Mañana. [55] Ministerio de Ganadería, Agricultural y Pesca. EMPODERA – Crédito productivo para mujeres rurales con fondo de garantía.

[56] Instituto Nacional de Colonización. (Noviembre 2023). Género en el INC. Resultados de las políticas de acceso a la tierra y procesos institucionales.

[57] Instituto Nacional de Colonización (INC). (2019). Documento No. 3: Acceso a la tierra desde una perspectiva de género.

[58] Ley 19.781 sobre la titularidad conjunta de la tierra. (2019).

[59] Ibid.

[60] Instituto Nacional de Colonización (INC). (2019). Documento No. 3: Acceso a la tierra desde una perspectiva de género.; Instituto Nacional de Colonización. (Noviembre 2023). Género en el INC. Resultados de las políticas de acceso a la tierra y procesos institucionales.

[61] Instituto Nacional de Colonización. (Noviembre 2023). Género en el INC. Resultados de las políticas de acceso a la tierra y procesos institucionales.

[62] Ibid.

[63] Ibid.

[64] Instituto Nacional de Colonización (INC). (2019). Documento No. 3: Acceso a la tierra desde una perspectiva de género.

[65] Instituto Nacional de Colonización. (Noviembre 2023). Género en el INC. Resultados de las políticas de acceso a la tierra y procesos institucionales.

[66] Ibid.

[67] FAO. PNUD. (2017). Integración de la Agricultura en los Planes Nacionales de Adaptación (PNA). Estudio de caso Uruguay.

[68] Childe, R., Achkar, M., Freitas, G. (2022). “La producción familiar en la region noreste del Uruguay: una mirada desde el territorio rural”. Agrociencia Uruguay 26 (3).

[69] Banco de Desarrollo de América Latina y el Caribe. (2017). RED 2017 reveló que Uruguay tiene altos niveles de urbanización pero sin los beneficios de los países desarrollados.

[70] Banco de Desarrollo de América Latina y el Caribe. (2017). Crecimiento urbano y acceso a oportunidades: un desafío para América Latina.