The economies of many countries such as the Gulf and Southern African States are to a considerable extent sustained by financial flows from extraction of mineral resources and fossil fuels. The discovery of such fortunes, in sufficiently viable quantities, can be a significant national blessing for effectively addressing development challenges. However, experience in other countries has shown that financial resources obtainable from mineral and fossil fuel extraction – the Extractive Industry, have not always assisted economic and social development.

What has been the reaction of the rural producers and other land holders over these demands and actual land acquisitions? What does their reactions means in relation to ongoing land grabbing? While these questions are important this study was motivated by two major concerns.

In early 2008 the government of Tanzania through the Ministry of Lands, Housing and Human Settlements Development –MLHHSD, initiated a project to develop a new city at Kigamboni area in Temeke district of Dar es Salaam region. The reasons behind the decision were many but the most important factor was that the move would provide solutions to mitigate the urbanization problems of Dar es Salaam and its environs.

Biofuel development in Tanzania places at stake 4 highly strategic national resources: land, water, forests and labour, and for generations to come. This alone is sufficient reason for the Tanzanian general public and rural communities in particular, to wrestle back the initiative and seek direct engagement in determining the best way forward for the nation.

This study sought to follow up the implementation of the Kilimo Kwanza initiative with the view to establish reliable facts on its significance to small-scale producers, mainly peasants and pastoralists. To achieve this, the study began by examining the perception of small-scale producers about Kilimo Kwanza and it assessed their participation in the implementation process. Moreover, the study scrutinized the proposed amendment of the Village Land Act and its implication to small-scale produces if carried out.

Increasing investments in biofuel production follow a shift of energy demand,in developed nations from fossil fuel to bio energyto run machines. Consequently, there has is an accelerated influx of investors from the Europe, Asia and Americain quest for productive and fertile lands.

Proponents of the biofuel investments say the investment will improve among other things, agricultural production, add value to local products and markets and improve social services such as roads infrastructure, health facilities, clean water supply and education.

The task at hand entails the critical review of the Land Laws of Tanzania, chiefly Act No.4 and Act No.5, 1999 and their subsequent revisions. This could not be done out of context, or by confining oneself solely to the statutes. It was pertinent to review the factors and processes that informed the legislation. Towards this end, an extensive literature review on various aspects related to land reforms in Tanzania was done.

The purpose of this study was to assess the bio-energy sector in Tanzania and to critically inquire the threats, benefits and opportunities to smallscale producers and sustainable environment management. Based on the terms of references this study focused on areas where land is earmarked or already in use for production of biofuels in Tanzania for both large and small-scale firms. The development of policy of liquid biofuels and other policies in general were examined.

New commercial pressures on land and its impact on small producers is one of the major issues being discussed in both national and international arenas. As foreign states and corporate entities continue to exert pressures on African countries to acquire land for various investment purposes, Tanzania is not exempted. The country is stereotypically perceived as having large underutilized, or rather unexploited, fertile land – the so-called ‗virgin land‘.

With the start of a commodity boom cycle in the early 2000s, many resource-rich countries reaped benefits as prices for commodities increased over the ensuing decade. Many of these countries see mining as a central element of modernising their economies, and actively promote investment in the mining and extractives sector. Indeed,between 2000 and 2012, investment spending by global oil, gas, and mining companies increased five-fold, especially in Latin American and sub-Saharan Africa.

Tanzania has always been a country in the spotlight over cases of land grabbing for various uses. Over the recent past there has been a lot of information in both print and electronic media of land being taken for various investment purposes. Little is known to the public of the deals the government is entering with these foreign investment companies that are eyeing Tanzania as a destination in agricultural investment. Investment in agricultural land has been a key driving force in Tanzania as a rush now has intensified in which agricultural land is being taken for various uses.

Over the Last three months, acts of unconceivable evil were perpetrated through an eviction operation against indigenous pastoralists in Loliondo. Loliondo is one of the three Divisions of the Ngorongoro District situated in the Arusha Region in Northern Tanzania. The Ngorongoro District Covers an area of about 14037 square Kilometres. Stretching across some 8,300 sq km, is the Ngorongoro Conservation Area, established in 1959 and governed by the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority, and the rest is the Loliondo Game Control Area consisting of the Sale and Loliondo Divisions.