Afghanistan, Sierra Leone et Somalie : ces trois pays sont des États fragiles ayant des antécédents différents. L'auteur de cet article analyse ces exemples afin d'identifier les causes de leur situation, par exemple le rôle des identités ethniques, la revendication du pouvoir par des clans et d'autres groupes sousétatiques ou l'insuffisance de la représentation de la société au sein des gouvernements. Il estime que le plus grand danger pour un État est la violence qui peut rapidement déstabiliser un État faible et le précipiter dans le chaos.

La politique du développement doit s'intéresser à toutes les dimensions de la fragilité des structures dans les pays en développement, lesquelles peuvent aller de carences individuelles, comme par exemple en matière de garantie de la sécurité, à l'effondrement des structures de l'État. Si le champ d'action qui s'ouvre à la politique du développement et aux autres acteurs externes est toujours restreint, il existe souvent des angles d'approche permettant d'atteindre une stabilité relative et de résoudre les problèmes liés à la faiblesse des structures de l'État.

La notion d'effondrement de l'État s'est propagée à une rapidité fulgurante ces dernières années. C'est généralement aux changements intervenant dans le contexte de la mondialisation que l'on attribue cette perte de contrôle et de légitimité de l'État. La notoriété dont jouit cette notion peut cependant faire oublier que le phénomène d'État défaillant n'est pas nouveau et qu'il

"Article 1. Objectives of the Land Law:

The objectives of the Land Law are to determine the regime on the management, protection and use of land in order to ensure efficiency and conformity with [land-use] objectives1 and with laws and regulations[,] and to contribute to national socio-economic development as well as to the protection of the environment and national borders of the Lao People's Democratic Republic."

This dialogue provided a way for the land community to collaboratively explore challenges and opportunities related to the recognition of indigenous, ethnic minority and customary tenure rights in the Mekong region in order to:

This publication is the product of a multi-year cluster analytical and advisory work on social and land conflict management of the World Bank office in Hanoi, which aimed to assist Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment (MoNRE) to improve the land acquisition and conversion process to achieve more sustainable development during the current rapid urbanization and industrialization process.  (Ref: Orginal Source)

The Cocoa Research Institute of Ghana (CRIG), with support from the World Cocoa Foundation (WCF) the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), performed the Ghana Land Tenure Baseline Survey, the first of its kind survey of tenure rights among cocoa farmers in Ghana. CRIG surveyed almost 1,800 cocoa farmers operating 3,900 cocoa plots regarding various land tenure issues within customary sharecropping arrangements and on owner-managed land. This report describes the findings from the Survey.

Administration of land in Tanzania is more decentralized from the president to the village level. The law gives power to village councils and village assemblies to administer village land. The District authorities are given advisory and supervisory mandates over villages and represent the commissioner who takes overall administrative powers.  Despite decentralization, institutions responsible for land administration, land have continued to be cause of many conflicts for years.  Conflicts have been escalating and lead loss of lives and property.

The economies of many countries such as the Gulf and Southern African States are to a considerable extent sustained by financial flows from extraction of mineral resources and fossil fuels. The discovery of such fortunes, in sufficiently viable quantities, can be a significant national blessing for effectively addressing development challenges. However, experience in other countries has shown that financial resources obtainable from mineral and fossil fuel extraction – the Extractive Industry, have not always assisted economic and social development.

This study sought to follow up the implementation of the Kilimo Kwanza initiative with the view to establish reliable facts on its significance to small-scale producers, mainly peasants and pastoralists. To achieve this, the study began by examining the perception of small-scale producers about Kilimo Kwanza and it assessed their participation in the implementation process. Moreover, the study scrutinized the proposed amendment of the Village Land Act and its implication to small-scale produces if carried out.

It is almost a decade now since the fights between Pastoralists and peasants broke out in Kilosa district Morogoro region in December 2000 claiming tens of people’s lives and causing irreparable losses and damages their properties. While the wounds of that dark record are still fresh in some of the minds of the communities in Kilosa, another very serious fight between the same or rather similar groups occurred this October prompting the media and human rights activists to find some ways to intervene in a bid to find lasting solutions for the problems.

This fact finding is based on one of the claims of a group of peri-urban dwellers in Kimere, Mapinga village in Bagamoyo District, whose land they claim have been invaded by one of the well connected elite with a view to assist them register their rights only to realise later on that he was playing a tricky game to own their land.